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When the sun rises on May 18 in the small Norwegian fishing village of Sommarøy, located above the Arctic Circle, it doesn’t set again until July 26. Later in the year, it vanishes from November until January. 

In the winter, the island is covered in snow. But during the midnight sun, the weather is temperate, even hot. Purple wildflowers stick out of mossy grass, and the electric-blue water and white sand look more Caribbean than Arctic. Walking along the coast around 11 p.m., you might see kayakers paddling on the smooth sea in the distance, or children in pajamas fishing and running along the beach with their catches. 

Inspired by the extreme periods of light and dark, in late spring 2019, a group of locals signed a petition to make the village the first “time-free zone,” a place where anyone could buy groceries, cut grass, or eat dinner no matter the time. Their reasoning made sense enough: In a town where the sun shines at 1 a.m. in July and you can see the stars at 1 p.m. in December, the time on the clock is meaningless. International media seized on the time-free zone as a curiosity, and the town leaned into the branding, flaunting its freedom from the clock and inviting others to experience it. The realities of how to run a business, coordinate work, and have a social life without time went unmentioned; what mattered was the fantasy of a time- and stress-free life. 

Some semblance of time does exist on Sommarøy. The grocery store, which is the only true store in town, has opening and closing hours, as does the café on the beach. The hotel has regular check-in and check-out times. People have cellphones that tell time. 

Yet when I visited in July, the island was deep into its nightless rhythm, and I saw signs that the clock held little sway. When I tried to schedule a meeting with Olivier Pitras—the 65-year-old owner of a bed-and-breakfast and a kayak-rental company that gives midnight tours—he told me to simply drop by his shop and see if he was available. To achieve even further immersion in the time-free life, I obscured the clocks on my phone and my laptop and blocked the time of incoming email. The night I arrived, I walked around the entire island at an easy pace. The colors in the sky resembled sunlight I was familiar with seeing at 7 or 8 o’clock in the morning. But was it actually 8 p.m.? Midnight? 

For nine days, I attempted to live outside of time in a white wooden house with a wraparound porch. On any other trip, I would probably sit outside in the evenings and watch the sun set. Instead, the sun moved in a circle over my head, like it was caught in the loop of a spinning lasso.

A photograph of local men gathering at a small grocery store. There is a clock on the wall
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A working clock in the café attached to Sommarøy’s grocery store

The desire to get rid of the clock entirely cuts against a very human impulse to control, predict, and measure time. The Babylonians used the moon to mark out a 19-year cycle in which seven years contained 13 months and the others, 12. Ancient Egyptians once kept track of time by the rise and fall of the Nile River. Indigenous groups in Siberia have a loose lunar calendar organized by months with names such as “ducks-and-geese-go-away month.” In the Trobriand Islands, the new year traditionally begins when marine worms swarm on the surface of the water to breed. Near Sommarøy, the Indigenous people who live in northern Norway, the Sámi, have eight seasons that follow reindeer migration.

But the more a society trades and travels, the more it must adapt its time system to be consistent and coordinated. Hours of uniform length were widely adopted only in the 14th century, when clocks could maintain equal durations. (Previously, dividing periods of sunlight into 12 hours, as the Romans did, meant the length of those hours would vary seasonally.) “There are few greater revolutions in human experience than this movement from the seasonal or ‘temporary’ hour to the equal hour,” the historian Daniel J. Boorstin wrote in his book The Discoverers. “Here was man’s declaration of independence from the sun, new proof of his mastery over himself and his surroundings.” In 1967, the clock’s divorce from the natural world was finalized: The International Bureau of Weights and Measures adopted a definition of a second measured by the oscillations of a cesium atom, rather than a fraction of the solar day.

Sommarøy’s time-free zone was, in a sense, an attempt by residents to reclaim their connection to a more natural measure of time. After all, every year, the island experiences roughly 1,656 hours of consecutive daylight. It’s almost as if humans moved to Mercury, where the day—noon to noon—lasts 176 Earth days, but never adjusted their watches.

The idea of tossing clock time out the window clearly had wide appeal: Nearly 1,500 news outlets around the world covered the 2019 petition that proposed the time-free zone. Kjell Ove Hveding, a Sommarøy native, went to Oslo to hand-deliver it to the Norwegian politician Kent Gudmundsen. “There’s no need to know what time it is,” Hveding said in a press release that included a picture of him destroying the face of a clock. Local press published a photo of watches—reportedly abandoned by clock-weary residents—hung on a bridge leading to the island. 

[Read: We live by a unit of time that doesn’t make sense]

But soon after the time-free zone went viral, the story began to crack. An employee at Sommarøy’s only hotel expressed skepticism to the Norwegian public-broadcasting company, NRK, that a functioning business could operate without its clocks. Hveding turned out to be part-owner of said hotel, with something to gain from increasing tourism to the island. An NRK investigation revealed that the petition was funded by a state-owned company, Innovation Norway, that promotes Norwegian businesses. The company paid for additional help from PR agencies in Oslo and London. NRK also reported that the watches on the bridge weren’t a result of swelling support from locals, but belonged to Hveding and a few others. They were removed after the photos were taken. Gudmundsen told NRK that after his photo op, the bundle of papers with signatures was also taken away and never submitted to the government. Innovation Norway issued a public apology.

To this day, Hveding denies that the campaign was a ruse. “This is us, this is how we live,” he insisted to The New York Times in 2019. Later that year, Sommarøy residents took over a Facebook page dedicated to the time-free zone (and no longer affiliated with Innovation Norway), inviting people from “down south on the planet where nights are dark” to see for themselves what living time-free could be like.

Sommaroy_11.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A broken clock in Sommarøy
a color photograph of drying cod strips hanging outside from wooden beams
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Cod hanging out to dry

Pitras and I never set a precise moment to meet but easily found time on one of the instances I walked past his kayak-rental business. On a cloudless day, we sat at a wooden table behind the shop, facing the water. Pitras put on his sunglasses, while I shielded my eyes and described a theory about time I’d been mulling over. 

Since 2011, the researchers Tamar Avnet, at Yeshiva University, and Anne-Laure Sellier, at HEC Paris, have studied people’s preferences for living with time. Clock-timers, as Avnet and Sellier have dubbed them, do things based on what their watches say. But for event-timers, the exact minute or hour doesn’t matter. A clock-timer might wake up each day at 7 a.m., start working at 9 a.m., eat lunch at noon when it’s delivered, and get into bed at 10 p.m. An event-timer rejects the alarm clock, maybe waking up at 6 o’clock, maybe at 9. They’ll stop working when they feel a task is done, or eat when they get hungry, but at no predetermined time.

[Listen: Time-management tips from the universe]

Sommarøy did seem to have daily rhythms, I told Pitras. I could identify the evenings by the way the town went quiet, most houses’ blackout curtains drawn and their inhabitants sleeping inside. But I wondered aloud whether people in Sommarøy were especially adept at moving in and out of clock time. Pitras certainly was. He has been a sailor for 46 years, he told me. When sailing on a boat alone, he performed tasks when they needed to be done, day or night; when sailing on a crew, he followed strict schedules. Now, when he organizes Arctic expeditions during the midnight sun, the groups enter a shared event time. They go hiking as they collectively please, even if at midnight; come back for dinner at 5 a.m.; go to sleep; then wake up for breakfast at 2 p.m. Pitras said shifting between clock and event time is easier for him without the sun’s clear demarcation between day and night.  

Others I spoke with in Sommarøy also described a sense of freedom and agency. Halvar Ludvigsen, a fourth-generation resident of Sommarøy, invited me onto his porch when I approached him. “I work at night, and I don’t care about the time,” Ludvigsen said, in a gruff voice. Neither did his retired neighbor, who told me that when he was growing up in Sommarøy, he worked all day on his family’s farm, then went fishing at midnight and invited the neighbors over for a meal. Yet another event-timer, I thought.

Ludvigsen told me that he and Hveding, not the PR agencies, came up with the idea of the time-free zone. Marianne Solbakken, a 67-year-old who grew up in the region, told me one afternoon that all of the drama over the publicity effort obscured the truth: Time is more flexible in Sommarøy. “The life we live is real,” she told me. “How can you be inside when the sun is shining at 11 o’clock in the evening?” Solbakken went to the original meeting about establishing the time-free zone in June 2019, and even wrote a song about putting her watch away during the summer: “And if we want to paint the house in the middle of the night / Yes, then, we just take out the paintbrush / Then we will call the neighbor and ask him to help us / And you should believe he will come soon.” (The lyrics, which sound better in Norwegian, are set to the melody of a well-known song by Halvdan Sivertsen.) 

As my week went on, I participated in a kind of event-time Olympics. I worked when I wanted to, ate when I was hungry, and went hiking at night—until 11 p.m., the record showed later. (My fiancé, who traveled with me, recorded when I ate, slept, wrote, read, and exercised.) I felt a great expansiveness of choice to be in total control of my day, without running out of light. 

[Read: How to make time pass quickly]

Time-management styles do seem to influence how people experience the world. In Avnet and Sellier’s studies, at least, clock-timers were more likely to believe that events are steered by fate, not by intention. They are also worse at distinguishing between events that are causally linked and events that are unrelated. Those who follow event time are more likely to say that what happens on a daily basis is a result of their own actions. In one of their experiments, Avnet and Sellier split participants into two types of hot-yoga classes: one in which instructors advised people in a clock-free room to move through poses without attention to how long each was held, and one in which a teacher noted how much time should be spent in each pose. In the clock-time class, students skipped and gave up on more poses than in the event-time class—and were more likely to consider the instructor responsible for these failures. Students had less positive experiences in the clock-time class.

Despite such findings, Avnet and Sellier stressed to me that they don’t regard clock or event time as superior, and in truth, we all engage with both time styles. But it’s clock time that’s imposed on most of us from a young age, Kevin Birth, an anthropologist at CUNY Queens College, told me. Outside of vacation, most people don’t get the chance to embrace event time—even if it might suit them. In his 2015 book, the sociologist Hartmut Rosa wrote that modern humans crave detachment from social acceleration, which he defined as the increasing “experience per unit of time.” Perhaps that’s why so many people were charmed by the idea of a time-free zone. At the southern end of the island, I often stopped at the beach café, where Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg sells charcuterie, along with homemade cakes, pastries, and soup. “Most people who come here live in cities, and there’s a big rush,” Tvenning Gilberg said. Perhaps Sommarøy isn’t strictly without time, but it offers a temporary respite for those who use the clock to harness their busyness.

Sommaroy_08.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg’s beach-café offerings
A color photograph of a woman carrying large baskets while walking to the beach
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg runs a beach café in Sommarøy. She carries everything from her house to the café.

As an event-timer doing my best to live in a clock-time world, I expected to thrive in my temporary timelessness. But after just a few days in Sommarøy, the clock began to haunt me. I began to doubt whether I was doing things at the “right” time. I missed the feeling of progressing toward a finish line, and developed strong urges to check the time when no one was watching. I hated relying on my fiancé to tell me that it was time for a work call. Ultimately, I slipped into a routine; later, I learned that it closely resembled my schedule at home. 

When we talked upon my return, Avnet guessed that I had been uncomfortable with the 24-hour sun. She said that, paradoxically, pure clock-timers may flourish more in Sommarøy. “A clock like me, I wake up at 7 a.m. regardless if the sun comes up at 5 or if it comes out at 9,” she said. But committed event-timers might struggle without non-clock cues to drive our actions.

There haven’t been studies on time preferences above the Arctic Circle, or how people there view fate and manage their emotions in relation to how they view time. (Avnet and Sellier told me they hope to do research in northern Norway in the future.) But people in northern Norway don’t seem to have higher rates of mental distress during the winter than they do in other seasons, as you might expect of people who spend so many weeks in the dark. Kari Leibowitz, a psychologist who has studied Norwegians in this region, wrote for The Atlantic in 2015 that those who lived farther north had a more positive, and protective, mindset about the wintertime. Another way to look at it is that they are more in control of their activities, regardless of the light levels outside. In Cincinnati in January, you might not go for a run at 10 p.m., because it’s dark. But if it’s dark at 3 p.m. or 10 p.m. in Sommarøy, the lack of light won’t stop you.

A color photograph of fishing boats reflected in a window of a building
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Sommarøy
A color photograph of a woman walking through shallow water in a one piece bathing suit
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg swims in the ocean every morning.

I saw Tvenning Gilberg, the café owner, as a role model of routine within timelessness. Every day, winter or summer, she gets up early, reads, writes, and swims in the ocean right outside her door, but not based on the time on the clock. (She told me she uses her clock almost exclusively for baking.) She has hours at the café, but ones she sets herself. She had a career as a meteorologist, she told me, so she more intimately understands the sun’s movements, even when it doesn’t rise or set. In the winter, though the sun doesn’t rise, she recognizes a brightening of the sky during the day. In the summer, the sun will be to the south by midday, and at midnight, to the northwest. 

That’s where I should look for the first official sunset of the summer, Tvenning Gilberg told me. It would take place on my last night, at 12:30 a.m.; the sun would rise again just 49 minutes later. I un-hid the time on my phone so I could catch the exact moment—but that night was cloudy. Somewhere underneath the gray mist, I knew the sun had fallen below the horizon. I wished I could have seen it. The day I landed in New York, I made a point of walking to the East River at dusk. I wasn’t quite sure of the time, but I felt immense relief looking at the darkening sky. 

When the sun rises on May 18 in the small Norwegian fishing village of Sommarøy, located above the Arctic Circle, it doesn’t set again until July 26. Later in the year, it vanishes from November until January. 

In the winter, the island is covered in snow. But during the midnight sun, the weather is temperate, even hot. Purple wildflowers stick out of mossy grass, and the electric-blue water and white sand look more Caribbean than Arctic. Walking along the coast around 11 p.m., you might see kayakers paddling on the smooth sea in the distance, or children in pajamas fishing and running along the beach with their catches. 

Inspired by the extreme periods of light and dark, in late spring 2019, a group of locals signed a petition to make the village the first “time-free zone,” a place where anyone could buy groceries, cut grass, or eat dinner no matter the time. Their reasoning made sense enough: In a town where the sun shines at 1 a.m. in July and you can see the stars at 1 p.m. in December, the time on the clock is meaningless. International media seized on the time-free zone as a curiosity, and the town leaned into the branding, flaunting its freedom from the clock and inviting others to experience it. The realities of how to run a business, coordinate work, and have a social life without time went unmentioned; what mattered was the fantasy of a time- and stress-free life. 

Some semblance of time does exist on Sommarøy. The grocery store, which is the only true store in town, has opening and closing hours, as does the café on the beach. The hotel has regular check-in and check-out times. People have cellphones that tell time. 

Yet when I visited in July, the island was deep into its nightless rhythm, and I saw signs that the clock held little sway. When I tried to schedule a meeting with Olivier Pitras—the 65-year-old owner of a bed-and-breakfast and a kayak-rental company that gives midnight tours—he told me to simply drop by his shop and see if he was available. To achieve even further immersion in the time-free life, I obscured the clocks on my phone and my laptop and blocked the time of incoming email. The night I arrived, I walked around the entire island at an easy pace. The colors in the sky resembled sunlight I was familiar with seeing at 7 or 8 o’clock in the morning. But was it actually 8 p.m.? Midnight? 

For nine days, I attempted to live outside of time in a white wooden house with a wraparound porch. On any other trip, I would probably sit outside in the evenings and watch the sun set. Instead, the sun moved in a circle over my head, like it was caught in the loop of a spinning lasso.

A photograph of local men gathering at a small grocery store. There is a clock on the wall
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A working clock in the café attached to Sommarøy’s grocery store

The desire to get rid of the clock entirely cuts against a very human impulse to control, predict, and measure time. The Babylonians used the moon to mark out a 19-year cycle in which seven years contained 13 months and the others, 12. Ancient Egyptians once kept track of time by the rise and fall of the Nile River. Indigenous groups in Siberia have a loose lunar calendar organized by months with names such as “ducks-and-geese-go-away month.” In the Trobriand Islands, the new year traditionally begins when marine worms swarm on the surface of the water to breed. Near Sommarøy, the Indigenous people who live in northern Norway, the Sámi, have eight seasons that follow reindeer migration.

But the more a society trades and travels, the more it must adapt its time system to be consistent and coordinated. Hours of uniform length were widely adopted only in the 14th century, when clocks could maintain equal durations. (Previously, dividing periods of sunlight into 12 hours, as the Romans did, meant the length of those hours would vary seasonally.) “There are few greater revolutions in human experience than this movement from the seasonal or ‘temporary’ hour to the equal hour,” the historian Daniel J. Boorstin wrote in his book The Discoverers. “Here was man’s declaration of independence from the sun, new proof of his mastery over himself and his surroundings.” In 1967, the clock’s divorce from the natural world was finalized: The International Bureau of Weights and Measures adopted a definition of a second measured by the oscillations of a cesium atom, rather than a fraction of the solar day.

Sommarøy’s time-free zone was, in a sense, an attempt by residents to reclaim their connection to a more natural measure of time. After all, every year, the island experiences roughly 1,656 hours of consecutive daylight. It’s almost as if humans moved to Mercury, where the day—noon to noon—lasts 176 Earth days, but never adjusted their watches.

The idea of tossing clock time out the window clearly had wide appeal: Nearly 1,500 news outlets around the world covered the 2019 petition that proposed the time-free zone. Kjell Ove Hveding, a Sommarøy native, went to Oslo to hand-deliver it to the Norwegian politician Kent Gudmundsen. “There’s no need to know what time it is,” Hveding said in a press release that included a picture of him destroying the face of a clock. Local press published a photo of watches—reportedly abandoned by clock-weary residents—hung on a bridge leading to the island. 

[Read: We live by a unit of time that doesn’t make sense]

But soon after the time-free zone went viral, the story began to crack. An employee at Sommarøy’s only hotel expressed skepticism to the Norwegian public-broadcasting company, NRK, that a functioning business could operate without its clocks. Hveding turned out to be part-owner of said hotel, with something to gain from increasing tourism to the island. An NRK investigation revealed that the petition was funded by a state-owned company, Innovation Norway, that promotes Norwegian businesses. The company paid for additional help from PR agencies in Oslo and London. NRK also reported that the watches on the bridge weren’t a result of swelling support from locals, but belonged to Hveding and a few others. They were removed after the photos were taken. Gudmundsen told NRK that after his photo op, the bundle of papers with signatures was also taken away and never submitted to the government. Innovation Norway issued a public apology.

To this day, Hveding denies that the campaign was a ruse. “This is us, this is how we live,” he insisted to The New York Times in 2019. Later that year, Sommarøy residents took over a Facebook page dedicated to the time-free zone (and no longer affiliated with Innovation Norway), inviting people from “down south on the planet where nights are dark” to see for themselves what living time-free could be like.

Sommaroy_11.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A broken clock in Sommarøy
a color photograph of drying cod strips hanging outside from wooden beams
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Cod hanging out to dry

Pitras and I never set a precise moment to meet but easily found time on one of the instances I walked past his kayak-rental business. On a cloudless day, we sat at a wooden table behind the shop, facing the water. Pitras put on his sunglasses, while I shielded my eyes and described a theory about time I’d been mulling over. 

Since 2011, the researchers Tamar Avnet, at Yeshiva University, and Anne-Laure Sellier, at HEC Paris, have studied people’s preferences for living with time. Clock-timers, as Avnet and Sellier have dubbed them, do things based on what their watches say. But for event-timers, the exact minute or hour doesn’t matter. A clock-timer might wake up each day at 7 a.m., start working at 9 a.m., eat lunch at noon when it’s delivered, and get into bed at 10 p.m. An event-timer rejects the alarm clock, maybe waking up at 6 o’clock, maybe at 9. They’ll stop working when they feel a task is done, or eat when they get hungry, but at no predetermined time.

[Listen: Time-management tips from the universe]

Sommarøy did seem to have daily rhythms, I told Pitras. I could identify the evenings by the way the town went quiet, most houses’ blackout curtains drawn and their inhabitants sleeping inside. But I wondered aloud whether people in Sommarøy were especially adept at moving in and out of clock time. Pitras certainly was. He has been a sailor for 46 years, he told me. When sailing on a boat alone, he performed tasks when they needed to be done, day or night; when sailing on a crew, he followed strict schedules. Now, when he organizes Arctic expeditions during the midnight sun, the groups enter a shared event time. They go hiking as they collectively please, even if at midnight; come back for dinner at 5 a.m.; go to sleep; then wake up for breakfast at 2 p.m. Pitras said shifting between clock and event time is easier for him without the sun’s clear demarcation between day and night.  

Others I spoke with in Sommarøy also described a sense of freedom and agency. Halvar Ludvigsen, a fourth-generation resident of Sommarøy, invited me onto his porch when I approached him. “I work at night, and I don’t care about the time,” Ludvigsen said, in a gruff voice. Neither did his retired neighbor, who told me that when he was growing up in Sommarøy, he worked all day on his family’s farm, then went fishing at midnight and invited the neighbors over for a meal. Yet another event-timer, I thought.

Ludvigsen told me that he and Hveding, not the PR agencies, came up with the idea of the time-free zone. Marianne Solbakken, a 67-year-old who grew up in the region, told me one afternoon that all of the drama over the publicity effort obscured the truth: Time is more flexible in Sommarøy. “The life we live is real,” she told me. “How can you be inside when the sun is shining at 11 o’clock in the evening?” Solbakken went to the original meeting about establishing the time-free zone in June 2019, and even wrote a song about putting her watch away during the summer: “And if we want to paint the house in the middle of the night / Yes, then, we just take out the paintbrush / Then we will call the neighbor and ask him to help us / And you should believe he will come soon.” (The lyrics, which sound better in Norwegian, are set to the melody of a well-known song by Halvdan Sivertsen.) 

As my week went on, I participated in a kind of event-time Olympics. I worked when I wanted to, ate when I was hungry, and went hiking at night—until 11 p.m., the record showed later. (My fiancé, who traveled with me, recorded when I ate, slept, wrote, read, and exercised.) I felt a great expansiveness of choice to be in total control of my day, without running out of light. 

[Read: How to make time pass quickly]

Time-management styles do seem to influence how people experience the world. In Avnet and Sellier’s studies, at least, clock-timers were more likely to believe that events are steered by fate, not by intention. They are also worse at distinguishing between events that are causally linked and events that are unrelated. Those who follow event time are more likely to say that what happens on a daily basis is a result of their own actions. In one of their experiments, Avnet and Sellier split participants into two types of hot-yoga classes: one in which instructors advised people in a clock-free room to move through poses without attention to how long each was held, and one in which a teacher noted how much time should be spent in each pose. In the clock-time class, students skipped and gave up on more poses than in the event-time class—and were more likely to consider the instructor responsible for these failures. Students had less positive experiences in the clock-time class.

Despite such findings, Avnet and Sellier stressed to me that they don’t regard clock or event time as superior, and in truth, we all engage with both time styles. But it’s clock time that’s imposed on most of us from a young age, Kevin Birth, an anthropologist at CUNY Queens College, told me. Outside of vacation, most people don’t get the chance to embrace event time—even if it might suit them. In his 2015 book, the sociologist Hartmut Rosa wrote that modern humans crave detachment from social acceleration, which he defined as the increasing “experience per unit of time.” Perhaps that’s why so many people were charmed by the idea of a time-free zone. At the southern end of the island, I often stopped at the beach café, where Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg sells charcuterie, along with homemade cakes, pastries, and soup. “Most people who come here live in cities, and there’s a big rush,” Tvenning Gilberg said. Perhaps Sommarøy isn’t strictly without time, but it offers a temporary respite for those who use the clock to harness their busyness.

Sommaroy_08.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg’s beach-café offerings
A color photograph of a woman carrying large baskets while walking to the beach
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg runs a beach café in Sommarøy. She carries everything from her house to the café.

As an event-timer doing my best to live in a clock-time world, I expected to thrive in my temporary timelessness. But after just a few days in Sommarøy, the clock began to haunt me. I began to doubt whether I was doing things at the “right” time. I missed the feeling of progressing toward a finish line, and developed strong urges to check the time when no one was watching. I hated relying on my fiancé to tell me that it was time for a work call. Ultimately, I slipped into a routine; later, I learned that it closely resembled my schedule at home. 

When we talked upon my return, Avnet guessed that I had been uncomfortable with the 24-hour sun. She said that, paradoxically, pure clock-timers may flourish more in Sommarøy. “A clock like me, I wake up at 7 a.m. regardless if the sun comes up at 5 or if it comes out at 9,” she said. But committed event-timers might struggle without non-clock cues to drive our actions.

There haven’t been studies on time preferences above the Arctic Circle, or how people there view fate and manage their emotions in relation to how they view time. (Avnet and Sellier told me they hope to do research in northern Norway in the future.) But people in northern Norway don’t seem to have higher rates of mental distress during the winter than they do in other seasons, as you might expect of people who spend so many weeks in the dark. Kari Leibowitz, a psychologist who has studied Norwegians in this region, wrote for The Atlantic in 2015 that those who lived farther north had a more positive, and protective, mindset about the wintertime. Another way to look at it is that they are more in control of their activities, regardless of the light levels outside. In Cincinnati in January, you might not go for a run at 10 p.m., because it’s dark. But if it’s dark at 3 p.m. or 10 p.m. in Sommarøy, the lack of light won’t stop you.

A color photograph of fishing boats reflected in a window of a building
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Sommarøy
A color photograph of a woman walking through shallow water in a one piece bathing suit
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg swims in the ocean every morning.

I saw Tvenning Gilberg, the café owner, as a role model of routine within timelessness. Every day, winter or summer, she gets up early, reads, writes, and swims in the ocean right outside her door, but not based on the time on the clock. (She told me she uses her clock almost exclusively for baking.) She has hours at the café, but ones she sets herself. She had a career as a meteorologist, she told me, so she more intimately understands the sun’s movements, even when it doesn’t rise or set. In the winter, though the sun doesn’t rise, she recognizes a brightening of the sky during the day. In the summer, the sun will be to the south by midday, and at midnight, to the northwest. 

That’s where I should look for the first official sunset of the summer, Tvenning Gilberg told me. It would take place on my last night, at 12:30 a.m.; the sun would rise again just 49 minutes later. I un-hid the time on my phone so I could catch the exact moment—but that night was cloudy. Somewhere underneath the gray mist, I knew the sun had fallen below the horizon. I wished I could have seen it. The day I landed in New York, I made a point of walking to the East River at dusk. I wasn’t quite sure of the time, but I felt immense relief looking at the darkening sky. 

When the sun rises on May 18 in the small Norwegian fishing village of Sommarøy, located above the Arctic Circle, it doesn’t set again until July 26. Later in the year, it vanishes from November until January. 

In the winter, the island is covered in snow. But during the midnight sun, the weather is temperate, even hot. Purple wildflowers stick out of mossy grass, and the electric-blue water and white sand look more Caribbean than Arctic. Walking along the coast around 11 p.m., you might see kayakers paddling on the smooth sea in the distance, or children in pajamas fishing and running along the beach with their catches. 

Inspired by the extreme periods of light and dark, in late spring 2019, a group of locals signed a petition to make the village the first “time-free zone,” a place where anyone could buy groceries, cut grass, or eat dinner no matter the time. Their reasoning made sense enough: In a town where the sun shines at 1 a.m. in July and you can see the stars at 1 p.m. in December, the time on the clock is meaningless. International media seized on the time-free zone as a curiosity, and the town leaned into the branding, flaunting its freedom from the clock and inviting others to experience it. The realities of how to run a business, coordinate work, and have a social life without time went unmentioned; what mattered was the fantasy of a time- and stress-free life. 

Some semblance of time does exist on Sommarøy. The grocery store, which is the only true store in town, has opening and closing hours, as does the café on the beach. The hotel has regular check-in and check-out times. People have cellphones that tell time. 

Yet when I visited in July, the island was deep into its nightless rhythm, and I saw signs that the clock held little sway. When I tried to schedule a meeting with Olivier Pitras—the 65-year-old owner of a bed-and-breakfast and a kayak-rental company that gives midnight tours—he told me to simply drop by his shop and see if he was available. To achieve even further immersion in the time-free life, I obscured the clocks on my phone and my laptop and blocked the time of incoming email. The night I arrived, I walked around the entire island at an easy pace. The colors in the sky resembled sunlight I was familiar with seeing at 7 or 8 o’clock in the morning. But was it actually 8 p.m.? Midnight? 

For nine days, I attempted to live outside of time in a white wooden house with a wraparound porch. On any other trip, I would probably sit outside in the evenings and watch the sun set. Instead, the sun moved in a circle over my head, like it was caught in the loop of a spinning lasso.

A photograph of local men gathering at a small grocery store. There is a clock on the wall
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A working clock in the café attached to Sommarøy’s grocery store

The desire to get rid of the clock entirely cuts against a very human impulse to control, predict, and measure time. The Babylonians used the moon to mark out a 19-year cycle in which seven years contained 13 months and the others, 12. Ancient Egyptians once kept track of time by the rise and fall of the Nile River. Indigenous groups in Siberia have a loose lunar calendar organized by months with names such as “ducks-and-geese-go-away month.” In the Trobriand Islands, the new year traditionally begins when marine worms swarm on the surface of the water to breed. Near Sommarøy, the Indigenous people who live in northern Norway, the Sámi, have eight seasons that follow reindeer migration.

But the more a society trades and travels, the more it must adapt its time system to be consistent and coordinated. Hours of uniform length were widely adopted only in the 14th century, when clocks could maintain equal durations. (Previously, dividing periods of sunlight into 12 hours, as the Romans did, meant the length of those hours would vary seasonally.) “There are few greater revolutions in human experience than this movement from the seasonal or ‘temporary’ hour to the equal hour,” the historian Daniel J. Boorstin wrote in his book The Discoverers. “Here was man’s declaration of independence from the sun, new proof of his mastery over himself and his surroundings.” In 1967, the clock’s divorce from the natural world was finalized: The International Bureau of Weights and Measures adopted a definition of a second measured by the oscillations of a cesium atom, rather than a fraction of the solar day.

Sommarøy’s time-free zone was, in a sense, an attempt by residents to reclaim their connection to a more natural measure of time. After all, every year, the island experiences roughly 1,656 hours of consecutive daylight. It’s almost as if humans moved to Mercury, where the day—noon to noon—lasts 176 Earth days, but never adjusted their watches.

The idea of tossing clock time out the window clearly had wide appeal: Nearly 1,500 news outlets around the world covered the 2019 petition that proposed the time-free zone. Kjell Ove Hveding, a Sommarøy native, went to Oslo to hand-deliver it to the Norwegian politician Kent Gudmundsen. “There’s no need to know what time it is,” Hveding said in a press release that included a picture of him destroying the face of a clock. Local press published a photo of watches—reportedly abandoned by clock-weary residents—hung on a bridge leading to the island. 

[Read: We live by a unit of time that doesn’t make sense]

But soon after the time-free zone went viral, the story began to crack. An employee at Sommarøy’s only hotel expressed skepticism to the Norwegian public-broadcasting company, NRK, that a functioning business could operate without its clocks. Hveding turned out to be part-owner of said hotel, with something to gain from increasing tourism to the island. An NRK investigation revealed that the petition was funded by a state-owned company, Innovation Norway, that promotes Norwegian businesses. The company paid for additional help from PR agencies in Oslo and London. NRK also reported that the watches on the bridge weren’t a result of swelling support from locals, but belonged to Hveding and a few others. They were removed after the photos were taken. Gudmundsen told NRK that after his photo op, the bundle of papers with signatures was also taken away and never submitted to the government. Innovation Norway issued a public apology.

To this day, Hveding denies that the campaign was a ruse. “This is us, this is how we live,” he insisted to The New York Times in 2019. Later that year, Sommarøy residents took over a Facebook page dedicated to the time-free zone (and no longer affiliated with Innovation Norway), inviting people from “down south on the planet where nights are dark” to see for themselves what living time-free could be like.

Sommaroy_11.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A broken clock in Sommarøy
a color photograph of drying cod strips hanging outside from wooden beams
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Cod hanging out to dry

Pitras and I never set a precise moment to meet but easily found time on one of the instances I walked past his kayak-rental business. On a cloudless day, we sat at a wooden table behind the shop, facing the water. Pitras put on his sunglasses, while I shielded my eyes and described a theory about time I’d been mulling over. 

Since 2011, the researchers Tamar Avnet, at Yeshiva University, and Anne-Laure Sellier, at HEC Paris, have studied people’s preferences for living with time. Clock-timers, as Avnet and Sellier have dubbed them, do things based on what their watches say. But for event-timers, the exact minute or hour doesn’t matter. A clock-timer might wake up each day at 7 a.m., start working at 9 a.m., eat lunch at noon when it’s delivered, and get into bed at 10 p.m. An event-timer rejects the alarm clock, maybe waking up at 6 o’clock, maybe at 9. They’ll stop working when they feel a task is done, or eat when they get hungry, but at no predetermined time.

[Listen: Time-management tips from the universe]

Sommarøy did seem to have daily rhythms, I told Pitras. I could identify the evenings by the way the town went quiet, most houses’ blackout curtains drawn and their inhabitants sleeping inside. But I wondered aloud whether people in Sommarøy were especially adept at moving in and out of clock time. Pitras certainly was. He has been a sailor for 46 years, he told me. When sailing on a boat alone, he performed tasks when they needed to be done, day or night; when sailing on a crew, he followed strict schedules. Now, when he organizes Arctic expeditions during the midnight sun, the groups enter a shared event time. They go hiking as they collectively please, even if at midnight; come back for dinner at 5 a.m.; go to sleep; then wake up for breakfast at 2 p.m. Pitras said shifting between clock and event time is easier for him without the sun’s clear demarcation between day and night.  

Others I spoke with in Sommarøy also described a sense of freedom and agency. Halvar Ludvigsen, a fourth-generation resident of Sommarøy, invited me onto his porch when I approached him. “I work at night, and I don’t care about the time,” Ludvigsen said, in a gruff voice. Neither did his retired neighbor, who told me that when he was growing up in Sommarøy, he worked all day on his family’s farm, then went fishing at midnight and invited the neighbors over for a meal. Yet another event-timer, I thought.

Ludvigsen told me that he and Hveding, not the PR agencies, came up with the idea of the time-free zone. Marianne Solbakken, a 67-year-old who grew up in the region, told me one afternoon that all of the drama over the publicity effort obscured the truth: Time is more flexible in Sommarøy. “The life we live is real,” she told me. “How can you be inside when the sun is shining at 11 o’clock in the evening?” Solbakken went to the original meeting about establishing the time-free zone in June 2019, and even wrote a song about putting her watch away during the summer: “And if we want to paint the house in the middle of the night / Yes, then, we just take out the paintbrush / Then we will call the neighbor and ask him to help us / And you should believe he will come soon.” (The lyrics, which sound better in Norwegian, are set to the melody of a well-known song by Halvdan Sivertsen.) 

As my week went on, I participated in a kind of event-time Olympics. I worked when I wanted to, ate when I was hungry, and went hiking at night—until 11 p.m., the record showed later. (My fiancé, who traveled with me, recorded when I ate, slept, wrote, read, and exercised.) I felt a great expansiveness of choice to be in total control of my day, without running out of light. 

[Read: How to make time pass quickly]

Time-management styles do seem to influence how people experience the world. In Avnet and Sellier’s studies, at least, clock-timers were more likely to believe that events are steered by fate, not by intention. They are also worse at distinguishing between events that are causally linked and events that are unrelated. Those who follow event time are more likely to say that what happens on a daily basis is a result of their own actions. In one of their experiments, Avnet and Sellier split participants into two types of hot-yoga classes: one in which instructors advised people in a clock-free room to move through poses without attention to how long each was held, and one in which a teacher noted how much time should be spent in each pose. In the clock-time class, students skipped and gave up on more poses than in the event-time class—and were more likely to consider the instructor responsible for these failures. Students had less positive experiences in the clock-time class.

Despite such findings, Avnet and Sellier stressed to me that they don’t regard clock or event time as superior, and in truth, we all engage with both time styles. But it’s clock time that’s imposed on most of us from a young age, Kevin Birth, an anthropologist at CUNY Queens College, told me. Outside of vacation, most people don’t get the chance to embrace event time—even if it might suit them. In his 2015 book, the sociologist Hartmut Rosa wrote that modern humans crave detachment from social acceleration, which he defined as the increasing “experience per unit of time.” Perhaps that’s why so many people were charmed by the idea of a time-free zone. At the southern end of the island, I often stopped at the beach café, where Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg sells charcuterie, along with homemade cakes, pastries, and soup. “Most people who come here live in cities, and there’s a big rush,” Tvenning Gilberg said. Perhaps Sommarøy isn’t strictly without time, but it offers a temporary respite for those who use the clock to harness their busyness.

Sommaroy_08.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg’s beach-café offerings
A color photograph of a woman carrying large baskets while walking to the beach
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg runs a beach café in Sommarøy. She carries everything from her house to the café.

As an event-timer doing my best to live in a clock-time world, I expected to thrive in my temporary timelessness. But after just a few days in Sommarøy, the clock began to haunt me. I began to doubt whether I was doing things at the “right” time. I missed the feeling of progressing toward a finish line, and developed strong urges to check the time when no one was watching. I hated relying on my fiancé to tell me that it was time for a work call. Ultimately, I slipped into a routine; later, I learned that it closely resembled my schedule at home. 

When we talked upon my return, Avnet guessed that I had been uncomfortable with the 24-hour sun. She said that, paradoxically, pure clock-timers may flourish more in Sommarøy. “A clock like me, I wake up at 7 a.m. regardless if the sun comes up at 5 or if it comes out at 9,” she said. But committed event-timers might struggle without non-clock cues to drive our actions.

There haven’t been studies on time preferences above the Arctic Circle, or how people there view fate and manage their emotions in relation to how they view time. (Avnet and Sellier told me they hope to do research in northern Norway in the future.) But people in northern Norway don’t seem to have higher rates of mental distress during the winter than they do in other seasons, as you might expect of people who spend so many weeks in the dark. Kari Leibowitz, a psychologist who has studied Norwegians in this region, wrote for The Atlantic in 2015 that those who lived farther north had a more positive, and protective, mindset about the wintertime. Another way to look at it is that they are more in control of their activities, regardless of the light levels outside. In Cincinnati in January, you might not go for a run at 10 p.m., because it’s dark. But if it’s dark at 3 p.m. or 10 p.m. in Sommarøy, the lack of light won’t stop you.

A color photograph of fishing boats reflected in a window of a building
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Sommarøy
A color photograph of a woman walking through shallow water in a one piece bathing suit
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg swims in the ocean every morning.

I saw Tvenning Gilberg, the café owner, as a role model of routine within timelessness. Every day, winter or summer, she gets up early, reads, writes, and swims in the ocean right outside her door, but not based on the time on the clock. (She told me she uses her clock almost exclusively for baking.) She has hours at the café, but ones she sets herself. She had a career as a meteorologist, she told me, so she more intimately understands the sun’s movements, even when it doesn’t rise or set. In the winter, though the sun doesn’t rise, she recognizes a brightening of the sky during the day. In the summer, the sun will be to the south by midday, and at midnight, to the northwest. 

That’s where I should look for the first official sunset of the summer, Tvenning Gilberg told me. It would take place on my last night, at 12:30 a.m.; the sun would rise again just 49 minutes later. I un-hid the time on my phone so I could catch the exact moment—but that night was cloudy. Somewhere underneath the gray mist, I knew the sun had fallen below the horizon. I wished I could have seen it. The day I landed in New York, I made a point of walking to the East River at dusk. I wasn’t quite sure of the time, but I felt immense relief looking at the darkening sky. 

When the sun rises on May 18 in the small Norwegian fishing village of Sommarøy, located above the Arctic Circle, it doesn’t set again until July 26. Later in the year, it vanishes from November until January. 

In the winter, the island is covered in snow. But during the midnight sun, the weather is temperate, even hot. Purple wildflowers stick out of mossy grass, and the electric-blue water and white sand look more Caribbean than Arctic. Walking along the coast around 11 p.m., you might see kayakers paddling on the smooth sea in the distance, or children in pajamas fishing and running along the beach with their catches. 

Inspired by the extreme periods of light and dark, in late spring 2019, a group of locals signed a petition to make the village the first “time-free zone,” a place where anyone could buy groceries, cut grass, or eat dinner no matter the time. Their reasoning made sense enough: In a town where the sun shines at 1 a.m. in July and you can see the stars at 1 p.m. in December, the time on the clock is meaningless. International media seized on the time-free zone as a curiosity, and the town leaned into the branding, flaunting its freedom from the clock and inviting others to experience it. The realities of how to run a business, coordinate work, and have a social life without time went unmentioned; what mattered was the fantasy of a time- and stress-free life. 

Some semblance of time does exist on Sommarøy. The grocery store, which is the only true store in town, has opening and closing hours, as does the café on the beach. The hotel has regular check-in and check-out times. People have cellphones that tell time. 

Yet when I visited in July, the island was deep into its nightless rhythm, and I saw signs that the clock held little sway. When I tried to schedule a meeting with Olivier Pitras—the 65-year-old owner of a bed-and-breakfast and a kayak-rental company that gives midnight tours—he told me to simply drop by his shop and see if he was available. To achieve even further immersion in the time-free life, I obscured the clocks on my phone and my laptop and blocked the time of incoming email. The night I arrived, I walked around the entire island at an easy pace. The colors in the sky resembled sunlight I was familiar with seeing at 7 or 8 o’clock in the morning. But was it actually 8 p.m.? Midnight? 

For nine days, I attempted to live outside of time in a white wooden house with a wraparound porch. On any other trip, I would probably sit outside in the evenings and watch the sun set. Instead, the sun moved in a circle over my head, like it was caught in the loop of a spinning lasso.

A photograph of local men gathering at a small grocery store. There is a clock on the wall
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A working clock in the café attached to Sommarøy’s grocery store

The desire to get rid of the clock entirely cuts against a very human impulse to control, predict, and measure time. The Babylonians used the moon to mark out a 19-year cycle in which seven years contained 13 months and the others, 12. Ancient Egyptians once kept track of time by the rise and fall of the Nile River. Indigenous groups in Siberia have a loose lunar calendar organized by months with names such as “ducks-and-geese-go-away month.” In the Trobriand Islands, the new year traditionally begins when marine worms swarm on the surface of the water to breed. Near Sommarøy, the Indigenous people who live in northern Norway, the Sámi, have eight seasons that follow reindeer migration.

But the more a society trades and travels, the more it must adapt its time system to be consistent and coordinated. Hours of uniform length were widely adopted only in the 14th century, when clocks could maintain equal durations. (Previously, dividing periods of sunlight into 12 hours, as the Romans did, meant the length of those hours would vary seasonally.) “There are few greater revolutions in human experience than this movement from the seasonal or ‘temporary’ hour to the equal hour,” the historian Daniel J. Boorstin wrote in his book The Discoverers. “Here was man’s declaration of independence from the sun, new proof of his mastery over himself and his surroundings.” In 1967, the clock’s divorce from the natural world was finalized: The International Bureau of Weights and Measures adopted a definition of a second measured by the oscillations of a cesium atom, rather than a fraction of the solar day.

Sommarøy’s time-free zone was, in a sense, an attempt by residents to reclaim their connection to a more natural measure of time. After all, every year, the island experiences roughly 1,656 hours of consecutive daylight. It’s almost as if humans moved to Mercury, where the day—noon to noon—lasts 176 Earth days, but never adjusted their watches.

The idea of tossing clock time out the window clearly had wide appeal: Nearly 1,500 news outlets around the world covered the 2019 petition that proposed the time-free zone. Kjell Ove Hveding, a Sommarøy native, went to Oslo to hand-deliver it to the Norwegian politician Kent Gudmundsen. “There’s no need to know what time it is,” Hveding said in a press release that included a picture of him destroying the face of a clock. Local press published a photo of watches—reportedly abandoned by clock-weary residents—hung on a bridge leading to the island. 

[Read: We live by a unit of time that doesn’t make sense]

But soon after the time-free zone went viral, the story began to crack. An employee at Sommarøy’s only hotel expressed skepticism to the Norwegian public-broadcasting company, NRK, that a functioning business could operate without its clocks. Hveding turned out to be part-owner of said hotel, with something to gain from increasing tourism to the island. An NRK investigation revealed that the petition was funded by a state-owned company, Innovation Norway, that promotes Norwegian businesses. The company paid for additional help from PR agencies in Oslo and London. NRK also reported that the watches on the bridge weren’t a result of swelling support from locals, but belonged to Hveding and a few others. They were removed after the photos were taken. Gudmundsen told NRK that after his photo op, the bundle of papers with signatures was also taken away and never submitted to the government. Innovation Norway issued a public apology.

To this day, Hveding denies that the campaign was a ruse. “This is us, this is how we live,” he insisted to The New York Times in 2019. Later that year, Sommarøy residents took over a Facebook page dedicated to the time-free zone (and no longer affiliated with Innovation Norway), inviting people from “down south on the planet where nights are dark” to see for themselves what living time-free could be like.

Sommaroy_11.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A broken clock in Sommarøy
a color photograph of drying cod strips hanging outside from wooden beams
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Cod hanging out to dry

Pitras and I never set a precise moment to meet but easily found time on one of the instances I walked past his kayak-rental business. On a cloudless day, we sat at a wooden table behind the shop, facing the water. Pitras put on his sunglasses, while I shielded my eyes and described a theory about time I’d been mulling over. 

Since 2011, the researchers Tamar Avnet, at Yeshiva University, and Anne-Laure Sellier, at HEC Paris, have studied people’s preferences for living with time. Clock-timers, as Avnet and Sellier have dubbed them, do things based on what their watches say. But for event-timers, the exact minute or hour doesn’t matter. A clock-timer might wake up each day at 7 a.m., start working at 9 a.m., eat lunch at noon when it’s delivered, and get into bed at 10 p.m. An event-timer rejects the alarm clock, maybe waking up at 6 o’clock, maybe at 9. They’ll stop working when they feel a task is done, or eat when they get hungry, but at no predetermined time.

[Listen: Time-management tips from the universe]

Sommarøy did seem to have daily rhythms, I told Pitras. I could identify the evenings by the way the town went quiet, most houses’ blackout curtains drawn and their inhabitants sleeping inside. But I wondered aloud whether people in Sommarøy were especially adept at moving in and out of clock time. Pitras certainly was. He has been a sailor for 46 years, he told me. When sailing on a boat alone, he performed tasks when they needed to be done, day or night; when sailing on a crew, he followed strict schedules. Now, when he organizes Arctic expeditions during the midnight sun, the groups enter a shared event time. They go hiking as they collectively please, even if at midnight; come back for dinner at 5 a.m.; go to sleep; then wake up for breakfast at 2 p.m. Pitras said shifting between clock and event time is easier for him without the sun’s clear demarcation between day and night.  

Others I spoke with in Sommarøy also described a sense of freedom and agency. Halvar Ludvigsen, a fourth-generation resident of Sommarøy, invited me onto his porch when I approached him. “I work at night, and I don’t care about the time,” Ludvigsen said, in a gruff voice. Neither did his retired neighbor, who told me that when he was growing up in Sommarøy, he worked all day on his family’s farm, then went fishing at midnight and invited the neighbors over for a meal. Yet another event-timer, I thought.

Ludvigsen told me that he and Hveding, not the PR agencies, came up with the idea of the time-free zone. Marianne Solbakken, a 67-year-old who grew up in the region, told me one afternoon that all of the drama over the publicity effort obscured the truth: Time is more flexible in Sommarøy. “The life we live is real,” she told me. “How can you be inside when the sun is shining at 11 o’clock in the evening?” Solbakken went to the original meeting about establishing the time-free zone in June 2019, and even wrote a song about putting her watch away during the summer: “And if we want to paint the house in the middle of the night / Yes, then, we just take out the paintbrush / Then we will call the neighbor and ask him to help us / And you should believe he will come soon.” (The lyrics, which sound better in Norwegian, are set to the melody of a well-known song by Halvdan Sivertsen.) 

As my week went on, I participated in a kind of event-time Olympics. I worked when I wanted to, ate when I was hungry, and went hiking at night—until 11 p.m., the record showed later. (My fiancé, who traveled with me, recorded when I ate, slept, wrote, read, and exercised.) I felt a great expansiveness of choice to be in total control of my day, without running out of light. 

[Read: How to make time pass quickly]

Time-management styles do seem to influence how people experience the world. In Avnet and Sellier’s studies, at least, clock-timers were more likely to believe that events are steered by fate, not by intention. They are also worse at distinguishing between events that are causally linked and events that are unrelated. Those who follow event time are more likely to say that what happens on a daily basis is a result of their own actions. In one of their experiments, Avnet and Sellier split participants into two types of hot-yoga classes: one in which instructors advised people in a clock-free room to move through poses without attention to how long each was held, and one in which a teacher noted how much time should be spent in each pose. In the clock-time class, students skipped and gave up on more poses than in the event-time class—and were more likely to consider the instructor responsible for these failures. Students had less positive experiences in the clock-time class.

Despite such findings, Avnet and Sellier stressed to me that they don’t regard clock or event time as superior, and in truth, we all engage with both time styles. But it’s clock time that’s imposed on most of us from a young age, Kevin Birth, an anthropologist at CUNY Queens College, told me. Outside of vacation, most people don’t get the chance to embrace event time—even if it might suit them. In his 2015 book, the sociologist Hartmut Rosa wrote that modern humans crave detachment from social acceleration, which he defined as the increasing “experience per unit of time.” Perhaps that’s why so many people were charmed by the idea of a time-free zone. At the southern end of the island, I often stopped at the beach café, where Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg sells charcuterie, along with homemade cakes, pastries, and soup. “Most people who come here live in cities, and there’s a big rush,” Tvenning Gilberg said. Perhaps Sommarøy isn’t strictly without time, but it offers a temporary respite for those who use the clock to harness their busyness.

Sommaroy_08.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg’s beach-café offerings
A color photograph of a woman carrying large baskets while walking to the beach
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg runs a beach café in Sommarøy. She carries everything from her house to the café.

As an event-timer doing my best to live in a clock-time world, I expected to thrive in my temporary timelessness. But after just a few days in Sommarøy, the clock began to haunt me. I began to doubt whether I was doing things at the “right” time. I missed the feeling of progressing toward a finish line, and developed strong urges to check the time when no one was watching. I hated relying on my fiancé to tell me that it was time for a work call. Ultimately, I slipped into a routine; later, I learned that it closely resembled my schedule at home. 

When we talked upon my return, Avnet guessed that I had been uncomfortable with the 24-hour sun. She said that, paradoxically, pure clock-timers may flourish more in Sommarøy. “A clock like me, I wake up at 7 a.m. regardless if the sun comes up at 5 or if it comes out at 9,” she said. But committed event-timers might struggle without non-clock cues to drive our actions.

There haven’t been studies on time preferences above the Arctic Circle, or how people there view fate and manage their emotions in relation to how they view time. (Avnet and Sellier told me they hope to do research in northern Norway in the future.) But people in northern Norway don’t seem to have higher rates of mental distress during the winter than they do in other seasons, as you might expect of people who spend so many weeks in the dark. Kari Leibowitz, a psychologist who has studied Norwegians in this region, wrote for The Atlantic in 2015 that those who lived farther north had a more positive, and protective, mindset about the wintertime. Another way to look at it is that they are more in control of their activities, regardless of the light levels outside. In Cincinnati in January, you might not go for a run at 10 p.m., because it’s dark. But if it’s dark at 3 p.m. or 10 p.m. in Sommarøy, the lack of light won’t stop you.

A color photograph of fishing boats reflected in a window of a building
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Sommarøy
A color photograph of a woman walking through shallow water in a one piece bathing suit
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg swims in the ocean every morning.

I saw Tvenning Gilberg, the café owner, as a role model of routine within timelessness. Every day, winter or summer, she gets up early, reads, writes, and swims in the ocean right outside her door, but not based on the time on the clock. (She told me she uses her clock almost exclusively for baking.) She has hours at the café, but ones she sets herself. She had a career as a meteorologist, she told me, so she more intimately understands the sun’s movements, even when it doesn’t rise or set. In the winter, though the sun doesn’t rise, she recognizes a brightening of the sky during the day. In the summer, the sun will be to the south by midday, and at midnight, to the northwest. 

That’s where I should look for the first official sunset of the summer, Tvenning Gilberg told me. It would take place on my last night, at 12:30 a.m.; the sun would rise again just 49 minutes later. I un-hid the time on my phone so I could catch the exact moment—but that night was cloudy. Somewhere underneath the gray mist, I knew the sun had fallen below the horizon. I wished I could have seen it. The day I landed in New York, I made a point of walking to the East River at dusk. I wasn’t quite sure of the time, but I felt immense relief looking at the darkening sky. 

When the sun rises on May 18 in the small Norwegian fishing village of Sommarøy, located above the Arctic Circle, it doesn’t set again until July 26. Later in the year, it vanishes from November until January. 

In the winter, the island is covered in snow. But during the midnight sun, the weather is temperate, even hot. Purple wildflowers stick out of mossy grass, and the electric-blue water and white sand look more Caribbean than Arctic. Walking along the coast around 11 p.m., you might see kayakers paddling on the smooth sea in the distance, or children in pajamas fishing and running along the beach with their catches. 

Inspired by the extreme periods of light and dark, in late spring 2019, a group of locals signed a petition to make the village the first “time-free zone,” a place where anyone could buy groceries, cut grass, or eat dinner no matter the time. Their reasoning made sense enough: In a town where the sun shines at 1 a.m. in July and you can see the stars at 1 p.m. in December, the time on the clock is meaningless. International media seized on the time-free zone as a curiosity, and the town leaned into the branding, flaunting its freedom from the clock and inviting others to experience it. The realities of how to run a business, coordinate work, and have a social life without time went unmentioned; what mattered was the fantasy of a time- and stress-free life. 

Some semblance of time does exist on Sommarøy. The grocery store, which is the only true store in town, has opening and closing hours, as does the café on the beach. The hotel has regular check-in and check-out times. People have cellphones that tell time. 

Yet when I visited in July, the island was deep into its nightless rhythm, and I saw signs that the clock held little sway. When I tried to schedule a meeting with Olivier Pitras—the 65-year-old owner of a bed-and-breakfast and a kayak-rental company that gives midnight tours—he told me to simply drop by his shop and see if he was available. To achieve even further immersion in the time-free life, I obscured the clocks on my phone and my laptop and blocked the time of incoming email. The night I arrived, I walked around the entire island at an easy pace. The colors in the sky resembled sunlight I was familiar with seeing at 7 or 8 o’clock in the morning. But was it actually 8 p.m.? Midnight? 

For nine days, I attempted to live outside of time in a white wooden house with a wraparound porch. On any other trip, I would probably sit outside in the evenings and watch the sun set. Instead, the sun moved in a circle over my head, like it was caught in the loop of a spinning lasso.

A photograph of local men gathering at a small grocery store. There is a clock on the wall
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A working clock in the café attached to Sommarøy’s grocery store

The desire to get rid of the clock entirely cuts against a very human impulse to control, predict, and measure time. The Babylonians used the moon to mark out a 19-year cycle in which seven years contained 13 months and the others, 12. Ancient Egyptians once kept track of time by the rise and fall of the Nile River. Indigenous groups in Siberia have a loose lunar calendar organized by months with names such as “ducks-and-geese-go-away month.” In the Trobriand Islands, the new year traditionally begins when marine worms swarm on the surface of the water to breed. Near Sommarøy, the Indigenous people who live in northern Norway, the Sámi, have eight seasons that follow reindeer migration.

But the more a society trades and travels, the more it must adapt its time system to be consistent and coordinated. Hours of uniform length were widely adopted only in the 14th century, when clocks could maintain equal durations. (Previously, dividing periods of sunlight into 12 hours, as the Romans did, meant the length of those hours would vary seasonally.) “There are few greater revolutions in human experience than this movement from the seasonal or ‘temporary’ hour to the equal hour,” the historian Daniel J. Boorstin wrote in his book The Discoverers. “Here was man’s declaration of independence from the sun, new proof of his mastery over himself and his surroundings.” In 1967, the clock’s divorce from the natural world was finalized: The International Bureau of Weights and Measures adopted a definition of a second measured by the oscillations of a cesium atom, rather than a fraction of the solar day.

Sommarøy’s time-free zone was, in a sense, an attempt by residents to reclaim their connection to a more natural measure of time. After all, every year, the island experiences roughly 1,656 hours of consecutive daylight. It’s almost as if humans moved to Mercury, where the day—noon to noon—lasts 176 Earth days, but never adjusted their watches.

The idea of tossing clock time out the window clearly had wide appeal: Nearly 1,500 news outlets around the world covered the 2019 petition that proposed the time-free zone. Kjell Ove Hveding, a Sommarøy native, went to Oslo to hand-deliver it to the Norwegian politician Kent Gudmundsen. “There’s no need to know what time it is,” Hveding said in a press release that included a picture of him destroying the face of a clock. Local press published a photo of watches—reportedly abandoned by clock-weary residents—hung on a bridge leading to the island. 

[Read: We live by a unit of time that doesn’t make sense]

But soon after the time-free zone went viral, the story began to crack. An employee at Sommarøy’s only hotel expressed skepticism to the Norwegian public-broadcasting company, NRK, that a functioning business could operate without its clocks. Hveding turned out to be part-owner of said hotel, with something to gain from increasing tourism to the island. An NRK investigation revealed that the petition was funded by a state-owned company, Innovation Norway, that promotes Norwegian businesses. The company paid for additional help from PR agencies in Oslo and London. NRK also reported that the watches on the bridge weren’t a result of swelling support from locals, but belonged to Hveding and a few others. They were removed after the photos were taken. Gudmundsen told NRK that after his photo op, the bundle of papers with signatures was also taken away and never submitted to the government. Innovation Norway issued a public apology.

To this day, Hveding denies that the campaign was a ruse. “This is us, this is how we live,” he insisted to The New York Times in 2019. Later that year, Sommarøy residents took over a Facebook page dedicated to the time-free zone (and no longer affiliated with Innovation Norway), inviting people from “down south on the planet where nights are dark” to see for themselves what living time-free could be like.

Sommaroy_11.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A broken clock in Sommarøy
a color photograph of drying cod strips hanging outside from wooden beams
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Cod hanging out to dry

Pitras and I never set a precise moment to meet but easily found time on one of the instances I walked past his kayak-rental business. On a cloudless day, we sat at a wooden table behind the shop, facing the water. Pitras put on his sunglasses, while I shielded my eyes and described a theory about time I’d been mulling over. 

Since 2011, the researchers Tamar Avnet, at Yeshiva University, and Anne-Laure Sellier, at HEC Paris, have studied people’s preferences for living with time. Clock-timers, as Avnet and Sellier have dubbed them, do things based on what their watches say. But for event-timers, the exact minute or hour doesn’t matter. A clock-timer might wake up each day at 7 a.m., start working at 9 a.m., eat lunch at noon when it’s delivered, and get into bed at 10 p.m. An event-timer rejects the alarm clock, maybe waking up at 6 o’clock, maybe at 9. They’ll stop working when they feel a task is done, or eat when they get hungry, but at no predetermined time.

[Listen: Time-management tips from the universe]

Sommarøy did seem to have daily rhythms, I told Pitras. I could identify the evenings by the way the town went quiet, most houses’ blackout curtains drawn and their inhabitants sleeping inside. But I wondered aloud whether people in Sommarøy were especially adept at moving in and out of clock time. Pitras certainly was. He has been a sailor for 46 years, he told me. When sailing on a boat alone, he performed tasks when they needed to be done, day or night; when sailing on a crew, he followed strict schedules. Now, when he organizes Arctic expeditions during the midnight sun, the groups enter a shared event time. They go hiking as they collectively please, even if at midnight; come back for dinner at 5 a.m.; go to sleep; then wake up for breakfast at 2 p.m. Pitras said shifting between clock and event time is easier for him without the sun’s clear demarcation between day and night.  

Others I spoke with in Sommarøy also described a sense of freedom and agency. Halvar Ludvigsen, a fourth-generation resident of Sommarøy, invited me onto his porch when I approached him. “I work at night, and I don’t care about the time,” Ludvigsen said, in a gruff voice. Neither did his retired neighbor, who told me that when he was growing up in Sommarøy, he worked all day on his family’s farm, then went fishing at midnight and invited the neighbors over for a meal. Yet another event-timer, I thought.

Ludvigsen told me that he and Hveding, not the PR agencies, came up with the idea of the time-free zone. Marianne Solbakken, a 67-year-old who grew up in the region, told me one afternoon that all of the drama over the publicity effort obscured the truth: Time is more flexible in Sommarøy. “The life we live is real,” she told me. “How can you be inside when the sun is shining at 11 o’clock in the evening?” Solbakken went to the original meeting about establishing the time-free zone in June 2019, and even wrote a song about putting her watch away during the summer: “And if we want to paint the house in the middle of the night / Yes, then, we just take out the paintbrush / Then we will call the neighbor and ask him to help us / And you should believe he will come soon.” (The lyrics, which sound better in Norwegian, are set to the melody of a well-known song by Halvdan Sivertsen.) 

As my week went on, I participated in a kind of event-time Olympics. I worked when I wanted to, ate when I was hungry, and went hiking at night—until 11 p.m., the record showed later. (My fiancé, who traveled with me, recorded when I ate, slept, wrote, read, and exercised.) I felt a great expansiveness of choice to be in total control of my day, without running out of light. 

[Read: How to make time pass quickly]

Time-management styles do seem to influence how people experience the world. In Avnet and Sellier’s studies, at least, clock-timers were more likely to believe that events are steered by fate, not by intention. They are also worse at distinguishing between events that are causally linked and events that are unrelated. Those who follow event time are more likely to say that what happens on a daily basis is a result of their own actions. In one of their experiments, Avnet and Sellier split participants into two types of hot-yoga classes: one in which instructors advised people in a clock-free room to move through poses without attention to how long each was held, and one in which a teacher noted how much time should be spent in each pose. In the clock-time class, students skipped and gave up on more poses than in the event-time class—and were more likely to consider the instructor responsible for these failures. Students had less positive experiences in the clock-time class.

Despite such findings, Avnet and Sellier stressed to me that they don’t regard clock or event time as superior, and in truth, we all engage with both time styles. But it’s clock time that’s imposed on most of us from a young age, Kevin Birth, an anthropologist at CUNY Queens College, told me. Outside of vacation, most people don’t get the chance to embrace event time—even if it might suit them. In his 2015 book, the sociologist Hartmut Rosa wrote that modern humans crave detachment from social acceleration, which he defined as the increasing “experience per unit of time.” Perhaps that’s why so many people were charmed by the idea of a time-free zone. At the southern end of the island, I often stopped at the beach café, where Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg sells charcuterie, along with homemade cakes, pastries, and soup. “Most people who come here live in cities, and there’s a big rush,” Tvenning Gilberg said. Perhaps Sommarøy isn’t strictly without time, but it offers a temporary respite for those who use the clock to harness their busyness.

Sommaroy_08.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg’s beach-café offerings
A color photograph of a woman carrying large baskets while walking to the beach
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg runs a beach café in Sommarøy. She carries everything from her house to the café.

As an event-timer doing my best to live in a clock-time world, I expected to thrive in my temporary timelessness. But after just a few days in Sommarøy, the clock began to haunt me. I began to doubt whether I was doing things at the “right” time. I missed the feeling of progressing toward a finish line, and developed strong urges to check the time when no one was watching. I hated relying on my fiancé to tell me that it was time for a work call. Ultimately, I slipped into a routine; later, I learned that it closely resembled my schedule at home. 

When we talked upon my return, Avnet guessed that I had been uncomfortable with the 24-hour sun. She said that, paradoxically, pure clock-timers may flourish more in Sommarøy. “A clock like me, I wake up at 7 a.m. regardless if the sun comes up at 5 or if it comes out at 9,” she said. But committed event-timers might struggle without non-clock cues to drive our actions.

There haven’t been studies on time preferences above the Arctic Circle, or how people there view fate and manage their emotions in relation to how they view time. (Avnet and Sellier told me they hope to do research in northern Norway in the future.) But people in northern Norway don’t seem to have higher rates of mental distress during the winter than they do in other seasons, as you might expect of people who spend so many weeks in the dark. Kari Leibowitz, a psychologist who has studied Norwegians in this region, wrote for The Atlantic in 2015 that those who lived farther north had a more positive, and protective, mindset about the wintertime. Another way to look at it is that they are more in control of their activities, regardless of the light levels outside. In Cincinnati in January, you might not go for a run at 10 p.m., because it’s dark. But if it’s dark at 3 p.m. or 10 p.m. in Sommarøy, the lack of light won’t stop you.

A color photograph of fishing boats reflected in a window of a building
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Sommarøy
A color photograph of a woman walking through shallow water in a one piece bathing suit
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg swims in the ocean every morning.

I saw Tvenning Gilberg, the café owner, as a role model of routine within timelessness. Every day, winter or summer, she gets up early, reads, writes, and swims in the ocean right outside her door, but not based on the time on the clock. (She told me she uses her clock almost exclusively for baking.) She has hours at the café, but ones she sets herself. She had a career as a meteorologist, she told me, so she more intimately understands the sun’s movements, even when it doesn’t rise or set. In the winter, though the sun doesn’t rise, she recognizes a brightening of the sky during the day. In the summer, the sun will be to the south by midday, and at midnight, to the northwest. 

That’s where I should look for the first official sunset of the summer, Tvenning Gilberg told me. It would take place on my last night, at 12:30 a.m.; the sun would rise again just 49 minutes later. I un-hid the time on my phone so I could catch the exact moment—but that night was cloudy. Somewhere underneath the gray mist, I knew the sun had fallen below the horizon. I wished I could have seen it. The day I landed in New York, I made a point of walking to the East River at dusk. I wasn’t quite sure of the time, but I felt immense relief looking at the darkening sky. 

When the sun rises on May 18 in the small Norwegian fishing village of Sommarøy, located above the Arctic Circle, it doesn’t set again until July 26. Later in the year, it vanishes from November until January. 

In the winter, the island is covered in snow. But during the midnight sun, the weather is temperate, even hot. Purple wildflowers stick out of mossy grass, and the electric-blue water and white sand look more Caribbean than Arctic. Walking along the coast around 11 p.m., you might see kayakers paddling on the smooth sea in the distance, or children in pajamas fishing and running along the beach with their catches. 

Inspired by the extreme periods of light and dark, in late spring 2019, a group of locals signed a petition to make the village the first “time-free zone,” a place where anyone could buy groceries, cut grass, or eat dinner no matter the time. Their reasoning made sense enough: In a town where the sun shines at 1 a.m. in July and you can see the stars at 1 p.m. in December, the time on the clock is meaningless. International media seized on the time-free zone as a curiosity, and the town leaned into the branding, flaunting its freedom from the clock and inviting others to experience it. The realities of how to run a business, coordinate work, and have a social life without time went unmentioned; what mattered was the fantasy of a time- and stress-free life. 

Some semblance of time does exist on Sommarøy. The grocery store, which is the only true store in town, has opening and closing hours, as does the café on the beach. The hotel has regular check-in and check-out times. People have cellphones that tell time. 

Yet when I visited in July, the island was deep into its nightless rhythm, and I saw signs that the clock held little sway. When I tried to schedule a meeting with Olivier Pitras—the 65-year-old owner of a bed-and-breakfast and a kayak-rental company that gives midnight tours—he told me to simply drop by his shop and see if he was available. To achieve even further immersion in the time-free life, I obscured the clocks on my phone and my laptop and blocked the time of incoming email. The night I arrived, I walked around the entire island at an easy pace. The colors in the sky resembled sunlight I was familiar with seeing at 7 or 8 o’clock in the morning. But was it actually 8 p.m.? Midnight? 

For nine days, I attempted to live outside of time in a white wooden house with a wraparound porch. On any other trip, I would probably sit outside in the evenings and watch the sun set. Instead, the sun moved in a circle over my head, like it was caught in the loop of a spinning lasso.

A photograph of local men gathering at a small grocery store. There is a clock on the wall
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A working clock in the café attached to Sommarøy’s grocery store

The desire to get rid of the clock entirely cuts against a very human impulse to control, predict, and measure time. The Babylonians used the moon to mark out a 19-year cycle in which seven years contained 13 months and the others, 12. Ancient Egyptians once kept track of time by the rise and fall of the Nile River. Indigenous groups in Siberia have a loose lunar calendar organized by months with names such as “ducks-and-geese-go-away month.” In the Trobriand Islands, the new year traditionally begins when marine worms swarm on the surface of the water to breed. Near Sommarøy, the Indigenous people who live in northern Norway, the Sámi, have eight seasons that follow reindeer migration.

But the more a society trades and travels, the more it must adapt its time system to be consistent and coordinated. Hours of uniform length were widely adopted only in the 14th century, when clocks could maintain equal durations. (Previously, dividing periods of sunlight into 12 hours, as the Romans did, meant the length of those hours would vary seasonally.) “There are few greater revolutions in human experience than this movement from the seasonal or ‘temporary’ hour to the equal hour,” the historian Daniel J. Boorstin wrote in his book The Discoverers. “Here was man’s declaration of independence from the sun, new proof of his mastery over himself and his surroundings.” In 1967, the clock’s divorce from the natural world was finalized: The International Bureau of Weights and Measures adopted a definition of a second measured by the oscillations of a cesium atom, rather than a fraction of the solar day.

Sommarøy’s time-free zone was, in a sense, an attempt by residents to reclaim their connection to a more natural measure of time. After all, every year, the island experiences roughly 1,656 hours of consecutive daylight. It’s almost as if humans moved to Mercury, where the day—noon to noon—lasts 176 Earth days, but never adjusted their watches.

The idea of tossing clock time out the window clearly had wide appeal: Nearly 1,500 news outlets around the world covered the 2019 petition that proposed the time-free zone. Kjell Ove Hveding, a Sommarøy native, went to Oslo to hand-deliver it to the Norwegian politician Kent Gudmundsen. “There’s no need to know what time it is,” Hveding said in a press release that included a picture of him destroying the face of a clock. Local press published a photo of watches—reportedly abandoned by clock-weary residents—hung on a bridge leading to the island. 

[Read: We live by a unit of time that doesn’t make sense]

But soon after the time-free zone went viral, the story began to crack. An employee at Sommarøy’s only hotel expressed skepticism to the Norwegian public-broadcasting company, NRK, that a functioning business could operate without its clocks. Hveding turned out to be part-owner of said hotel, with something to gain from increasing tourism to the island. An NRK investigation revealed that the petition was funded by a state-owned company, Innovation Norway, that promotes Norwegian businesses. The company paid for additional help from PR agencies in Oslo and London. NRK also reported that the watches on the bridge weren’t a result of swelling support from locals, but belonged to Hveding and a few others. They were removed after the photos were taken. Gudmundsen told NRK that after his photo op, the bundle of papers with signatures was also taken away and never submitted to the government. Innovation Norway issued a public apology.

To this day, Hveding denies that the campaign was a ruse. “This is us, this is how we live,” he insisted to The New York Times in 2019. Later that year, Sommarøy residents took over a Facebook page dedicated to the time-free zone (and no longer affiliated with Innovation Norway), inviting people from “down south on the planet where nights are dark” to see for themselves what living time-free could be like.

Sommaroy_11.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
A broken clock in Sommarøy
a color photograph of drying cod strips hanging outside from wooden beams
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Cod hanging out to dry

Pitras and I never set a precise moment to meet but easily found time on one of the instances I walked past his kayak-rental business. On a cloudless day, we sat at a wooden table behind the shop, facing the water. Pitras put on his sunglasses, while I shielded my eyes and described a theory about time I’d been mulling over. 

Since 2011, the researchers Tamar Avnet, at Yeshiva University, and Anne-Laure Sellier, at HEC Paris, have studied people’s preferences for living with time. Clock-timers, as Avnet and Sellier have dubbed them, do things based on what their watches say. But for event-timers, the exact minute or hour doesn’t matter. A clock-timer might wake up each day at 7 a.m., start working at 9 a.m., eat lunch at noon when it’s delivered, and get into bed at 10 p.m. An event-timer rejects the alarm clock, maybe waking up at 6 o’clock, maybe at 9. They’ll stop working when they feel a task is done, or eat when they get hungry, but at no predetermined time.

[Listen: Time-management tips from the universe]

Sommarøy did seem to have daily rhythms, I told Pitras. I could identify the evenings by the way the town went quiet, most houses’ blackout curtains drawn and their inhabitants sleeping inside. But I wondered aloud whether people in Sommarøy were especially adept at moving in and out of clock time. Pitras certainly was. He has been a sailor for 46 years, he told me. When sailing on a boat alone, he performed tasks when they needed to be done, day or night; when sailing on a crew, he followed strict schedules. Now, when he organizes Arctic expeditions during the midnight sun, the groups enter a shared event time. They go hiking as they collectively please, even if at midnight; come back for dinner at 5 a.m.; go to sleep; then wake up for breakfast at 2 p.m. Pitras said shifting between clock and event time is easier for him without the sun’s clear demarcation between day and night.  

Others I spoke with in Sommarøy also described a sense of freedom and agency. Halvar Ludvigsen, a fourth-generation resident of Sommarøy, invited me onto his porch when I approached him. “I work at night, and I don’t care about the time,” Ludvigsen said, in a gruff voice. Neither did his retired neighbor, who told me that when he was growing up in Sommarøy, he worked all day on his family’s farm, then went fishing at midnight and invited the neighbors over for a meal. Yet another event-timer, I thought.

Ludvigsen told me that he and Hveding, not the PR agencies, came up with the idea of the time-free zone. Marianne Solbakken, a 67-year-old who grew up in the region, told me one afternoon that all of the drama over the publicity effort obscured the truth: Time is more flexible in Sommarøy. “The life we live is real,” she told me. “How can you be inside when the sun is shining at 11 o’clock in the evening?” Solbakken went to the original meeting about establishing the time-free zone in June 2019, and even wrote a song about putting her watch away during the summer: “And if we want to paint the house in the middle of the night / Yes, then, we just take out the paintbrush / Then we will call the neighbor and ask him to help us / And you should believe he will come soon.” (The lyrics, which sound better in Norwegian, are set to the melody of a well-known song by Halvdan Sivertsen.) 

As my week went on, I participated in a kind of event-time Olympics. I worked when I wanted to, ate when I was hungry, and went hiking at night—until 11 p.m., the record showed later. (My fiancé, who traveled with me, recorded when I ate, slept, wrote, read, and exercised.) I felt a great expansiveness of choice to be in total control of my day, without running out of light. 

[Read: How to make time pass quickly]

Time-management styles do seem to influence how people experience the world. In Avnet and Sellier’s studies, at least, clock-timers were more likely to believe that events are steered by fate, not by intention. They are also worse at distinguishing between events that are causally linked and events that are unrelated. Those who follow event time are more likely to say that what happens on a daily basis is a result of their own actions. In one of their experiments, Avnet and Sellier split participants into two types of hot-yoga classes: one in which instructors advised people in a clock-free room to move through poses without attention to how long each was held, and one in which a teacher noted how much time should be spent in each pose. In the clock-time class, students skipped and gave up on more poses than in the event-time class—and were more likely to consider the instructor responsible for these failures. Students had less positive experiences in the clock-time class.

Despite such findings, Avnet and Sellier stressed to me that they don’t regard clock or event time as superior, and in truth, we all engage with both time styles. But it’s clock time that’s imposed on most of us from a young age, Kevin Birth, an anthropologist at CUNY Queens College, told me. Outside of vacation, most people don’t get the chance to embrace event time—even if it might suit them. In his 2015 book, the sociologist Hartmut Rosa wrote that modern humans crave detachment from social acceleration, which he defined as the increasing “experience per unit of time.” Perhaps that’s why so many people were charmed by the idea of a time-free zone. At the southern end of the island, I often stopped at the beach café, where Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg sells charcuterie, along with homemade cakes, pastries, and soup. “Most people who come here live in cities, and there’s a big rush,” Tvenning Gilberg said. Perhaps Sommarøy isn’t strictly without time, but it offers a temporary respite for those who use the clock to harness their busyness.

Sommaroy_08.jpg
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg’s beach-café offerings
A color photograph of a woman carrying large baskets while walking to the beach
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg runs a beach café in Sommarøy. She carries everything from her house to the café.

As an event-timer doing my best to live in a clock-time world, I expected to thrive in my temporary timelessness. But after just a few days in Sommarøy, the clock began to haunt me. I began to doubt whether I was doing things at the “right” time. I missed the feeling of progressing toward a finish line, and developed strong urges to check the time when no one was watching. I hated relying on my fiancé to tell me that it was time for a work call. Ultimately, I slipped into a routine; later, I learned that it closely resembled my schedule at home. 

When we talked upon my return, Avnet guessed that I had been uncomfortable with the 24-hour sun. She said that, paradoxically, pure clock-timers may flourish more in Sommarøy. “A clock like me, I wake up at 7 a.m. regardless if the sun comes up at 5 or if it comes out at 9,” she said. But committed event-timers might struggle without non-clock cues to drive our actions.

There haven’t been studies on time preferences above the Arctic Circle, or how people there view fate and manage their emotions in relation to how they view time. (Avnet and Sellier told me they hope to do research in northern Norway in the future.) But people in northern Norway don’t seem to have higher rates of mental distress during the winter than they do in other seasons, as you might expect of people who spend so many weeks in the dark. Kari Leibowitz, a psychologist who has studied Norwegians in this region, wrote for The Atlantic in 2015 that those who lived farther north had a more positive, and protective, mindset about the wintertime. Another way to look at it is that they are more in control of their activities, regardless of the light levels outside. In Cincinnati in January, you might not go for a run at 10 p.m., because it’s dark. But if it’s dark at 3 p.m. or 10 p.m. in Sommarøy, the lack of light won’t stop you.

A color photograph of fishing boats reflected in a window of a building
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Sommarøy
A color photograph of a woman walking through shallow water in a one piece bathing suit
Ingun Mæhlum for The Atlantic
Gjertrud Tvenning Gilberg swims in the ocean every morning.

I saw Tvenning Gilberg, the café owner, as a role model of routine within timelessness. Every day, winter or summer, she gets up early, reads, writes, and swims in the ocean right outside her door, but not based on the time on the clock. (She told me she uses her clock almost exclusively for baking.) She has hours at the café, but ones she sets herself. She had a career as a meteorologist, she told me, so she more intimately understands the sun’s movements, even when it doesn’t rise or set. In the winter, though the sun doesn’t rise, she recognizes a brightening of the sky during the day. In the summer, the sun will be to the south by midday, and at midnight, to the northwest. 

That’s where I should look for the first official sunset of the summer, Tvenning Gilberg told me. It would take place on my last night, at 12:30 a.m.; the sun would rise again just 49 minutes later. I un-hid the time on my phone so I could catch the exact moment—but that night was cloudy. Somewhere underneath the gray mist, I knew the sun had fallen below the horizon. I wished I could have seen it. The day I landed in New York, I made a point of walking to the East River at dusk. I wasn’t quite sure of the time, but I felt immense relief looking at the darkening sky. 

If President Donald Trump wanted Americans to take away one message about autism, it was this: Blame Tylenol. During his September press conference on the subject, Trump warned pregnant women more than a dozen times not to take the drug, even though two massive studies had found no meaningful association with the disorder in children. He also spread false rumors that “essentially no autism” can be found in Cuba or among the Amish. The other stated purpose of the event—the announcement of what FDA Commissioner Marty Makary called an “exciting treatment” for autism—was largely overshadowed by the president’s performance.

But parents of autistic children took note of that promised remedy. How could they not? Officials suggested that the little-known drug, leucovorin, could alleviate the symptoms of profound autism, perhaps allowing children with speech difficulties to find their words. Hundreds of thousands would benefit, according to Makary. No, it wasn’t a cure—officials stopped short of invoking that word—but it sounded like a miracle.

After the government’s endorsement, many parents rushed to get their hands on leucovorin. They soon discovered that they were effectively taking part in a nationwide experiment with few guidelines—assuming, that is, they could even get a prescription.


The theory behind treating autism with leucovorin is that the drug gives autistic kids something they’re missing. Children with autism seem to be more likely than other children to produce an antibody that prevents folate, also known as vitamin B9, from reaching their brain. Because folate plays a role in brain development, some researchers—most notable among them Richard Frye, a doctor who has been prescribing and promoting leucovorin for nearly two decades, and who told me he spoke with leaders in the Health and Human Services Department before the press conference—think these antibodies might hamper the growth of a child’s language abilities. Leucovorin is essentially a massive dose of folate, delivered in a form that can bypass those antibodies.

But that theory, which has long been debated in autism subreddits and Facebook groups, hasn’t gained traction among mainstream autism scientists. They point to a 2018 study that found that autistic children and their non-autistic siblings were equally likely to have these antibodies. The clinical evidence for leucovorin’s effectiveness for autistic kids is limited to a handful of small studies that don’t measure the same outcomes. No large, randomized, placebo-controlled trial has ever been conducted. If you want to get the drug for autism, it has to be prescribed off-label, which many doctors refuse to do.

Part of the Trump administration’s promise was to make leucovorin more accessible to patients and easier for doctors to prescribe. So far, nothing official has happened. At the press conference, Makary promised that the FDA would change leucovorin’s label so that doctors could start prescribing it to kids with autism. But when the FDA formally laid out its leucovorin plan two days later, it made no mention of autism. The plan instead centered on cerebral folate deficiency, an extremely rare genetic condition. Emily Hilliard, an HHS spokesperson, wrote in an email that “the FDA’s current action is focused specifically on cerebral folate deficiency,” noting that some of its symptoms overlap with autism. (My other questions about the administration’s leucovorin rollout went unanswered.) A spokesperson for GSK, which originally manufactured the drug and controls the label, told me that the company submitted an application for the label change this week.

[Read: RFK Jr.’s calls with a scientist who says kids get autism from Tylenol]

During the press conference, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the secretary of health and human services, said that HHS would “help doctors treat children appropriately” with leucovorin. But Alycia Halladay, the chief science officer at the Autism Science Foundation, told me that physicians she’s spoken with have heard nothing from HHS. For her part, Halladay doesn’t believe that enough evidence exists to recommend leucovorin as an autism treatment. The American Academy of Pediatrics has also said that the current data are lacking. In a statement, the organization allowed that if physicians prescribe the medication, they should work with families to monitor side effects; some parents report increased hyperactivity and aggression after their kids take leucovorin.

Several researchers I spoke with compared the excitement about leucovorin to the enthusiasm for secretin, another drug that was popular as an autism treatment in the 1990s after early promising results. More rigorous clinical trials later showed that it wasn’t effective. Halladay said she’s heard from multiple doctors, including her child’s pediatrician, that they’ve been besieged with calls from parents hoping to get a prescription. One doctor in Chicago told me he had received dozens of inquiries.


In the absence of official advice on leucovorin, parents—almost always moms—of kids with profound autism have been turning to one another for opinions and encouragement online.

Some post regular updates on TikTok and Instagram detailing their kid’s progress on leucovorin, saying they’ve noticed more regular eye contact, fewer repetitive movements and sounds, or improvements in language use. In the comments, fellow parents complain about not being able to get the drug (“My sons pediatrician refuses, wants us to just wait for prescribing guidelines”), ask questions about dosage (“I just gave her 15 mg today is that too much??”), and wonder whether it’s really working (“how do we know we see results, what do we see?”). Others say their child’s behavior didn’t improve—or even grew worse—after taking the medication (“I didn’t see it helping my son more with speech like we hoped”).

Some insist the drug must be paired with vitamin B12, omega-3, or a certain amino acid; others caution that dairy can reduce its effectiveness. Many want to know about an antibody test that purports to indicate whether a child’s brain is receiving enough folate. But that test isn’t widely accepted as valid, and not all doctors are willing to give it.

[Read: RFK Jr.’s autism time machine]

Jessie Carrasco is one of those TikTok moms. She lives with her husband and their three children on the outskirts of the east-Texas city of Tyler. Their oldest son, Ezra, is 11 and has autism. He didn’t talk until he was 4; she credits fish-oil supplements, in part, with helping him speak in short sentences and respond to simple questions. (Some studies suggest that omega-3 fatty acids, found in fish oil, may improve communication in autistic children, though the evidence is mixed.) When Carrasco invited me into their backyard, which was lively with chickens and dogs, Ezra ran up, gave me a quick once-over, and then darted off to play on the swing set with his younger brother.

Carrasco learned about leucovorin after hearing Trump refer to a new treatment for autism during his speech at Charlie Kirk’s memorial service. She emailed Ezra’s nurse practitioner, who was willing to prescribe it but didn’t know enough about the drug to offer advice on how much to give Ezra or how to deal with potential side effects. Since then, Carrasco has posted more than 200 videos on TikTok, most of them documenting Ezra’s progress on leucovorin. One clip shows him serving himself food from a pot on the stove—the first time he’d ever done that, she told me. Her video of Ezra before and after taking the drug has nearly 6,000 likes.

“Since we’ve been giving leucovorin, I think everything that we’ve been trying to teach, he’s started to get it more and faster,” she said. Ezra’s behavioral analyst, Margaret Hawkins, told me that before leucovorin, she used to work with Ezra on pronouncing single words; now she’s coaching him on telling three- or four-sentence stories.

[Read: When America’s views on autism started to change]

Without Kennedy and Trump, Carrasco might not have learned about leucovorin; she’s grateful to them for giving her more faith in Ezra’s future, and hopes that the progress she’s seen so far won’t turn out to be a mirage. At the same time, she’s frustrated by the lack of information about how to use the drug and the difficulty she and other parents have had getting their hands on it. “I feel like they presented something and then just kind of left it in the dust,” she said. The last time she checked, the pharmacies in Tyler were out of leucovorin; she was planning to drive to a neighboring town to get more. “I got my hopes up and now I’m nervous,” she texted me recently. “I don’t wanna watch him regress.”


If the posts and comments are any indication, even parents who have managed to get prescriptions, like Carrasco, have been having trouble filling them. Whether the drug is in shortage now is unclear, but it has a history of supply problems going back more than a decade. A drug-shortage database maintained by a pharmacists’ association recently listed leucovorin shortages at five companies. (One of them, Teva, said its 25-milligram pills were in stock, but not its 5-milligram dose; the others either didn’t respond to me or couldn’t confirm whether they had supply issues.)

Perhaps because of shortages—or difficulties finding a doctor willing to prescribe leucovorin at all—some parents are turning to supplemental forms of folate. Such supplements are far less potent than leucovorin, but are usually cheaper and don’t require a prescription. (Even if leucovorin does turn out to be an effective autism treatment, it’s unknown whether low-dose supplements would have any effect.)

Offline, parents have been calling Frye, the longtime leucovorin doctor, who believes that as many as 1 million kids could benefit from the drug. He mostly treats children with significant language delays, though he says that the drug can sometimes help higher-functioning kids too. Frye was the lead author of a small 2016 study that found that children with autism who received leucovorin showed improvements in verbal communication, compared with those given a placebo; he also recently published a book called The Folate Fix. Ever since the press conference, his office has been inundated with calls and emails from parents who want the drug for their children.

[Read: RFK Jr.’s cheer squad is getting restless]

For years, Frye has had a backlog of patients wanting to see him, but the White House announcement, he told me, made an “impossible situation worse.” He already has about 1,000 patients who are taking leucovorin, and he isn’t planning to accept any new ones until 2028. According to Frye, the FDA has asked him to submit an application to conduct clinical trials on leucovorin as an autism treatment, but last week, he told me that “not much is going on at this time.” He guesses those trials will take about two years. In the meantime, parents will be left to experiment with leucovorin on their own.

In the early 1960s, American childhood was not what it is today. Many children spent hours playing unsupervised in the streets; they rode around in cars without seat belts, then came home to frozen dinners, served in front of TVs blaring cigarette ads. And at some point, they’d almost certainly get measles.

The illness—caused by a virus that is estimated to infect roughly 90 percent of the unimmunized people it comes into contact with—is widely considered one of the fastest-spreading diseases to ever plague humankind. Before the debut of the first measles vaccine, virtually every child in the country could expect to contract it by the time they finished middle school, making it an experience nearly as universal as entering a classroom, skinning a knee, or enduring puberty. “It was sort of a rite of passage,” Kathryn Edwards, a pediatrician and vaccine expert who retired from Vanderbilt University Medical Center in 2022, told me. Edwards, 77, is one of many people born before the first measles vaccine was licensed in 1963; she can vividly recall the pain, discomfort, and fear of having the disease.

The rise of measles vaccination changed all that, and by 2000, the disease had been declared eliminated from the United States, after public-health officials detected no transmission of the virus for a full year. But now measles outbreaks are igniting across the country in communities where vaccination rates have dropped—most recently in South Carolina, where officials have documented more than 130 infections, nearly all of them among unvaccinated people. The U.S. has now clocked nearly a year of continuous measles transmission; come January, the country will very likely lose the elimination status that took nearly four decades of vaccination to gain.

At this point, most Americans can still count on protection from the measles vaccines they received in childhood. And as long as the Trump administration does not completely remove access to those immunizations, the nation will not revert to anything close to its early-1960s state. Still, measles is so transmissible that even slight drops in protection can create space for the virus to infect widely. As outbreaks become common once again, Americans will have to confront just how insidious and difficult to control this virus can be.

One of measles’ most deceptive traits is that most cases, especially in healthy people, are relatively mild. On the one hand, that means that many survive the disease without serious lingering effects. Measles’ hallmarks include a few days of fever, followed by a migrating rash of flat red spots that disappear within the week; one of the disease’s most terrifying complications—brain swelling—occurs at a rate of just 0.1 percent. On the other hand, that means that many who survive the disease consider it of little consequence. In the mid-20th century, especially, measles was often shrugged off. Polio—which permanently paralyzed roughly one out of every 200 people it infected—“really scared the hell out of people,” Walter Orenstein, the associate director of the Emory Vaccine Center, told me. By comparison, measles registered to some as little more than an annoying, rashy blight. In 1960, the U.S. mortality rate was about one in 500,000, and even the surgeon general’s information specialists said the disease was “often welcomed as a guarantee of lifetime immunity.” During the first push for measles vaccination, in the ’60s, some people hesitated to get vaccinated, not because they feared harm from the vaccine, but because they thought, “What’s the big deal? I had measles; my kids can get it; fine,” Orenstein said. The country achieved widespread vaccination, in the end, after enforcing strict school mandates.

Measles was never inconsequential, though. Even a case that is initially “mild” can wipe out defenses that people have built up to other diseases—a kind of “immune amnesia” that can leave them more vulnerable to infection for months or years. Painful ear infections and prolonged bouts of diarrhea can accompany close to a tenth of measles cases. Some 5 percent of infections result in pneumonia that can eventually turn fatal; rarely, measles can also leave children deaf or blind. The disease also tends to hit undernourished, immunocompromised, and pregnant people particularly hard, and many of the severest cases tend to occur in the youngest children. This year, the U.S. has clocked more than 1,900 measles infections—the most the country has documented since 1992—and 11 percent have resulted in hospitalizations. Three people have died, two of them children.

William Moss, a measles researcher at Johns Hopkins University, remembers witnessing the measles resurgence that tore through New York in 1990 and 1991 and watching some of the children hit by the outbreak struggling to breathe as they battled pneumonia. Several of those children died. Measles is “not a harmless disease,” Orenstein told me. “But the vast majority of people did not see that.” That was part of the irony of measles’ omnipresence: Amid a sea of less severe cases, serious suffering and death could pass by unnoticed. And over the decades, as vaccination reduced the number of measles cases that people saw, the occurrence of those rare but terrible outcomes has decreased further still.

In this way, measles vaccination—already considered by some as not worth the effort—has become a victim of its own success, Stanley Plotkin, a virologist and one of the developers of a rubella vaccine, told me: By corralling the disease’s dangers, it has reduced the incentive to protect against them. The measles vaccine is one of the most effective vaccines ever developed, capable of providing decades of immunity at a rate of about 97 percent. Vaccination has been essential to eliminating measles from this country, and dozens of others around the world. But the vaccine can only manage that when a population matches that effectiveness with a nearly equally high level of immunization buy-in, Boghuma Kabisen Titanji, an infectious-disease physician at Emory University, told me. Researchers estimate that, to stave off measles outbreaks, about 92 to 94 percent of people in a community must be immune to the virus. Dip even slightly below that threshold, and the virus, once introduced, can and will gain a foothold.

Measles elimination, then, is a particularly tenuous state, Moss said—potentially, the most unstable elimination status for an infectious disease that a country can have. The virus is so fast-moving that any cracks in our defenses create an opening for it to slip through. As a discipline, public health operates at its best when it can get near-universal buy-in for preventing bad outcomes. But measles’ defining traits can run directly counter to that impulse: People are far less likely to opt into interventions when the problems they need to avoid are rare and tend to concentrate in society’s more vulnerable sectors.

In the U.S., community leaders managed to gain and keep that buy-in for a long time. By the time Edwards was completing her medical training in the 1970s, “we didn’t see measles very much,” she said. She assumed that downward trajectory would continue. To see that trend now reverse, she told me, feels like the negation of decades of hard work—so much so that she’s started to wonder what the point of her entire career has been. Instead of celebrating a 26th year of measles elimination, the U.S. is staring down the impending costs of resurgence.

As outbreaks become more routine again, even mild cases will exact a toll—emptying out classrooms, keeping parents and other caregivers from work, adding to the strain that wintertime viruses put on hospitals. A family that rushes an infected child to the hospital could inadvertently put an entire emergency room of people at risk; another that brushes off a fever might accidentally afflict an entire playgroup. Trying to track and contain a highly contagious virus—which requires interventions such as testing and rapid contact tracing—will tax public-health departments, too. One recent preprint estimated that across the many drains that the virus can put on medical systems, public-health responders, and economic productivity, an average measles outbreak can cost more than $750,000 to rein in.

Before measles becomes a common American experience again, it will creep into society’s unprotected crevices first. Children in unvaccinated pockets of the country are now developing measles’ telltale rash. Adults who were never vaccinated in their youth are falling ill, too, challenging health-care workers and epidemiologists to contend with a new reality of measles striking across the age spectrum. And as individuals who received their vaccines up to six decades ago reach old age, they’re becoming the unwitting subjects of a natural experiment: Researchers are nervously watching to see just how long their immunity might last. The worst outcomes will still be uncommon. But as measles returns to prominence, those numbers will inevitably rise, too.

For more than 50 years, America’s official position on marijuana has been seen as nonsensical. By classifying pot as a Schedule I drug, the federal government has lumped it with heroin and LSD as substances with “no currently accepted medical use and a high potential for abuse.” In 1972, two years after marijuana was relegated to the most restrictive category of drugs in America, a government report found that weed’s “actual impact on society does not justify a social policy designed to seek out and firmly punish those who use it.”

Even with the federal classification, states have been experimenting with marijuana legalization for nearly three decades. These laws have led to fewer marijuana-related arrests without dramatic increases in crime, and they haven’t substantially spiked the rate of illicit adolescent cannabis use. Although fully legalizing recreational marijuana remains controversial, it’s clear that smoking a joint from your local dispensary is not the same as using heroin.

Now America’s marijuana policies are getting a bit more in line with the actual science. Today, Donald Trump signed an executive order directing the government to move the drug to Schedule III, a classification for substances with “moderate to low potential for physical and psychological dependence.” As the president emphasized in the Oval Office, the action “doesn’t legalize marijuana in any way, shape, or form.” Selling marijuana without a prescription will still be a federal crime, just as trafficking anabolic steroids (also a Schedule III drug) is illegal.

The biggest impact from today’s action will likely be on medical research. Marijuana studies have been stymied because researchers who want to experiment with Schedule I drugs need to be closely vetted by the federal government. During the signing ceremony for the executive order, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. argued that the new classification will let scientists better understand the drug. That’s the hope of Ryan Vandrey, a cannabis researcher at Johns Hopkins University. Vandrey’s lab was cleared to do cannabis research while marijuana was still in Schedule I, but he hopes that this loosening of restrictions will open up “a huge number of possibilities for us to get at both the health benefits and health risks of cannabis as a whole,” he told me.

[Read: The new war on weed]

At the same time, by rescheduling the drug, the government runs the risk of signaling that marijuana is no big deal. “We need to be very clear in our messaging—especially to young people—that rescheduling does not mean cannabis is harmless,” Scott Hadland, a professor at Harvard Medical School and a pediatrician who treats adolescent addiction, told me. The government needs to figure out a way to tell Americans that even though marijuana is not as dangerous as heroin, it’s still an addictive drug. That’s not an easy message to communicate. Prior to signing the executive order today, the president touted the purported benefits of marijuana for certain medical conditions, but he also echoed the “Just Say No” drug campaign of decades past. “Unless a drug is recommended by a doctor for medical reasons, just don’t do it,” he said. (The White House did not respond to a request for comment.)

When talking about the risks of marijuana, you can easily to come off as a scold. Roughly 50 percent of Americans have tried the drug, and according to a 2024 study, the number of people using cannabis daily or near daily now eclipses the number who drink alcohol at a similar frequency. (Trump emphasized today that weed rescheduling polls well.) Even so, the risks of marijuana are real. The CDC estimates that three in 10 cannabis users exhibit some signs of dependency.

It doesn’t help that marijuana isn’t the same as when it was first scheduled, back in 1970. The drug has become significantly stronger over the past several decades. The average joint in the ’70s contained about 2 percent THC, the main psychoactive component of marijuana. In 2025, dispensaries regularly stock joints that have more than 35 percent THC. Studies have shown that use of higher-concentration marijuana is associated with serious mental-health outcomes, such as psychosis. In 2017, there were more than 100,000 hospitalizations for pot-linked psychosis, one study found. Vandrey said that he hopes rescheduling will help researchers better interrogate the “very strong correlation” between heavy marijuana use and psychosis.

None of this is to say that marijuana should stay a Schedule I drug, as it has for decades. In spite of this classification, millions of Americans have continued to use it. The government is now finally backing away from a misguided position about the risks of pot. But it still has to contend with the drug’s complications.

Updated at 12:29 p.m. on December 17, 2025

When Donald Trump nominated Jay Bhattacharya to be the director of the National Institutes of Health, a shake-up seemed inevitable. Typically, the agency—a $48 billion grant-making institution and the world’s largest public funder of biomedical research—has been led by a medical researcher with extensive administrative experience. Bhattacharya was a health economist without specialized training in infectious disease, who’d come to prominence for his heterodox views on COVID policies and who has criticized the NIH for stifling dissent.

The NIH has been transformed this year. And most of the layoffs, policy changes, and politically motivated funding cuts—notably, to infectious-disease research—have happened under Bhattacharya’s watch. But inside the agency, officials describe Bhattacharya as a largely ineffectual figurehead, often absent from leadership meetings, unresponsive to colleagues, and fixated more on cultivating his media image than on engaging with the turmoil at his own agency. “We don’t really hear from or about Jay very much,” one official told me. (Most of the current and former NIH officials who spoke with me for this article requested anonymity out of fear of retaliation.) Many officials call Bhattacharya “Podcast Jay” because of the amount of time that he has spent in his office recording himself talking. “Bhattacharya is too busy podcasting to do anything,” one official told me.

Instead, Matthew Memoli, the agency’s principal deputy director, “is the one wielding the axe,”the official said. This time last year, Memoli was a relatively low-ranking flu researcher at the NIH’s National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID). Then, in January, the Trump administration appointed him to be the agency’s acting director. At the time, other NIH officials considered Memoli to be a placeholder, temporarily empowered to carry out the administration’s orders. But “there’s been no change since Jay got put in,” one NIH official told me. To the agency officials I spoke with, Memoli, now second in command, still looks to be very much in charge.

Neither Bhattacharya nor Memoli agreed to an interview; the Trump administration responded to my request for comment after this story was published. This account did “not reflect Dr. Bhattacharya’s leadership approach or the way decisions are made at NIH,” Andrew Nixon, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services, said in an email. “Dr. Bhattacharya has deep respect for the agency, its staff, and its scientific mission, which is rooted in gold-standard science and in the interests of public health.”

To better understand Bhattacharya and Memoli’s leadership, I spoke with 18 current and former NIH officials, whose positions at the agency have spanned a breadth of specialties and administrative roles, and reached out to several of Bhattacharya’s former colleagues. The officials’ first impressions of Bhattacharya—who has argued that the NIH could do more “to promote innovative science”—were of an outsider and a radical, whose ideas could have changed the agency for better or worse. In recent months, NIH officials have come to see him as so disengaged that they hardly worry about his impact. Memoli, by contrast, knows just enough about the agency—and, in particular, its approach to infectious disease—to help destroy it.


Memoli’s appointment to acting director in January floored his colleagues—many of whom had never heard his name before. Like Bhattacharya, Memoli had no previous track record of executive leadership or in overseeing the awarding of federal grants. But officials quickly deduced what about Memoli might have appealed to the administration: In 2021, he described COVID-vaccine mandates as “extraordinarily problematic” in an email to Anthony Fauci, then the director of NIAID, whom the Trump administration has repeatedly tried to discredit. Then, last year, when asked to submit a routine statement about diversity, equity, and inclusion, Memoli sent in one that called the term DEI “offensive and demeaning.” By September, the NIH, under Bhattacharya’s leadership, had done away with DEI statements for its scientists, describing them as “loyalty oaths” that Memoli had “courageously stood against.”

In his two months as acting director, Memoli enacted the Trump administration’s agenda with aplomb, pushing through the mass cancellation of grants focused on topics such as DEI, transgender health, and COVID-19; multiple NIH leaders were ousted while he was acting director, including Jeanne Marrazzo, who served as the director of NIAID until early April. “His major function was to do the administration’s bidding,” Michael Lauer, who led the NIH’s grant-making division before he departed the agency in February, told me.

That same month, while Memoli was still acting director, he began to call Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s attention to the flu-vaccine research he’d done with his mentor, Jeffery Taubenberger, another NIAID scientist. By early May—after Memoli had been installed as Bhattacharya’s deputy, and Taubenberger as the acting director of NIAID—HHS had redirected about half a billion dollars, once set aside to develop new COVID-19 vaccines and drugs, to their vaccine work. (Outside researchers criticized the grant as an unjustifiably enormous sum; in an email to me in May, Memoli insisted that the grant would support “more than one project,” but did not answer follow-up questions about how much of that sum would furnish his research specifically.)

Part of a deputy’s job is to take some load off the director. But under normal circumstances, people “wouldn’t really notice who the deputy director is,” one official told me; the director is expected to set policy and lead. Although Bhattacharya has continued to reiterate his own goals for the NIH—including advancing more innovative research—his recent visions for the agency have largely followed administration talking points such as diverting resources toward chronic disease and clamping down on “dangerous” virological research. Yet the director seems out of touch with the reality of that agenda: In his public appearances, internal meetings, and on social media, Bhattacharya has delivered conflicting and sometimes erroneous accounts of the NIH’s grant-making policies. Both publicly and internally, he has fixated more on defending himself against criticism he received for his COVID-policy views from 2020 than on the NIH’s current state of affairs, several officials said.

Bhattacharya, in his own way, still seems to be serving the administration by championing its talking points. But Memoli is the one most visibly throttling the NIH’s capacity to fund research and pushing out some of the agency’s most experienced and internally respected leaders. To officials at the agency, his actions look like those of a leader who has been given broad discretion to shrink down the agency’s infectious-disease work—an area where he may have a few personal grievances. “People are afraid of him,” one official said, pausing. “I’m afraid of him.”


Memoli’s history at the NIH appears to have given him a particular zeal for dismantling it. In his two decades at the agency, Memoli has developed a reputation as a self-aggrandizing co-worker, eager to champion himself and dismissive of people he hasn’t felt he could benefit professionally from, three officials who worked with him prior to 2025 told me. At various points, scientists at the agency lodged complaints about his unprofessional behavior toward colleagues, two NIH officials told me. Memoli, meanwhile, complained that “he wasn’t being given enough,” one of them said. Some of his scientific work was solid, but peers inside and outside the agency criticized some as unremarkable, leaving Memoli with a chip on his shoulder, the two officials said.

Of the NIH’s 27 institutes and centers, NIAID, where Memoli once worked, has been among the hardest hit this year, losing most of its senior leadership and a large number of its infectious-disease-focused grants. Since January, multiple officials who denounced the administration’s stance on infectious diseases and vaccines have had Memoli brush aside their concerns in meetings, then been ousted from their roles, three officials told me.

Given the Trump administration’s desire to pare down infectious-disease research, NIAID and prominent officials such as Marrazzo, who succeeded Fauci as director, were always clear targets for cuts. (Yesterday, Marrazzo filed a lawsuit that named Memoli and Bhattacharya and that alleged that she was illegally fired after she had filed a whistleblower complaint about actions of NIH leadership that endangered public health; HHS declined to comment on the lawsuit.) But in some cases, three officials told me, Memoli appears to have pushed lesser-known officials out of their roles after more personal clashes, including Sarah Read, who was NIAID’s principal deputy director and who repeatedly questioned the circumstances of Memoli and Taubenberger’s sizable vaccine grant. (Read has since left the agency.) Memoli also recently detailed Carl Dieffenbach, the director of NIAID’s Division of AIDS, to another branch of NIH after the two clashed over the administration’s approach to HIV research. Days later, he gave Dieffenbach a scoring of one out of five on a performance review—potential grounds for termination—before human-resources personnel forced him to revise that rating, because he lacked evidence for them, two officials told me. (Read and Dieffenbach declined to comment.)

Memoli has also argued that funding for HIV-vaccine research—which Dieffenbach oversaw—is wasteful and should be cut. The NIH is expected to soon divert up to a third of its AIDS budget toward improving the delivery of existing HIV tools, such as the new drug lenacapavir. At least some of that push has come from Bhattacharya, who has publicly advocated (including on his own The Director’s Desk podcast) for reallocating HIV funds on the grounds that established interventions could resolve the AIDS crisis on their own. But whereas Bhattacharya has waffled when asked how such an investment would affect other research, two officials told me, Memoli has insisted in internal meetings that it should come at the expense of research into HIV vaccines, which is widely considered to be essential to ending the HIV pandemic. Despite being a vaccine researcher himself, he’s “gleefully making these cuts,” one official told me. “Because it means he did something.”

Allowing Memoli to be the executor of the Trump administration’s cuts could serve the independent-thinker persona that Bhattacharya has tried to cultivate. But the NIH officials I spoke with, and one scientist who knew Bhattacharya prior to his appointment at the agency, doubted that his distance was so calculated. Trying to discredit the scientific establishment from the sidelines is far easier than trying to enact reform from its center. At the NIH, the embittered insider may leave the more memorable legacy.


This story was updated to include a comment from the Department of Health and Human Services.